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Drawing the Line: Views of Atheists and Moral Boundaries in America
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Drawing the Line: Views of Atheists and Moral Boundaries in America
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Penny Edgell, Joseph Gerteis, & Douglas Hartmann Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota Prepared for submission to the 100
th
Annual Meeting of the
American Sociological Association January 15, 2005
Abstract
This paper examines the level and correlates of Americans’ distrust of atheists. Using new, nationally-representative survey data measuring public and private trust, we show that atheists are more widely rejected than any other group measured. Despite declining boundaries between religious groups, the boundary between believers and non-believers in America remains very strong. Using logistic regression models, we find that public and private rejection of atheists is driven by religious predictors, but also by social location and political orientation. Finally, we show that distrust of atheists is correlated with other forms of prejudice in a stable way.
Who is like me and who is not, and what kind of relationship do I have to those who are different? This is a question of social boundaries, the distinctions we make along multiple dimensions that become culturally meaningful when they are socially recognized as important dimensions of difference. Social boundaries drawn along lines of race, gender, sexuality, or social class are often studied because they are understood to be invidious by nature and, when institutionalized in laws and social practices, to lead to systematic social, economic, and political disadvantage for those in marginalized groups (Lamont 1992, Lamont and Molnar 2002, Bourdieu 1982, Epstein 1988). In contrast to the way that other social boundaries are understood, social scientists have generally regarded religious boundaries as having positive consequences in both public and private life in the United States. One can, of course, find references to negative consequences of religious boundaries in American history – for example, anti-Catholic movements of the 19
th
century (Gleason 1980, Dolan 1985, Christiano 2000) or anti-
Muslim violence post 9/11. But the more common interpretation is that religion, because it is characterized in the United States by both voluntarism and pluralism, forms an important basis for morality and belonging in private life (Berger 1967, Hart 1986,
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This draft paper is not for citation or quotation without permission. The research is supported by the
Edelstein Family Foundation as part of the American Mosaic Project at the University of Minnesota. Direct correspondence to Penny Edgell, University of Minnesota, Department of Sociology, 267 19
th
Avenue South, Minneapolis MN 55455 or by email at ## email not listed ##.
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| | Authors: Edgell, Penny., Gerteis, Joseph. and Hartmann, Douglas. |
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Drawing the Line: Views of Atheists and Moral Boundaries in America
1
Penny Edgell, Joseph Gerteis, & Douglas Hartmann Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota Prepared for submission to the 100
th
Annual Meeting of the
American Sociological Association January 15, 2005
Abstract
This paper examines the level and correlates of Americans’ distrust of atheists. Using new, nationally-representative survey data measuring public and private trust, we show that atheists are more widely rejected than any other group measured. Despite declining boundaries between religious groups, the boundary between believers and non-believers in America remains very strong. Using logistic regression models, we find that public and private rejection of atheists is driven by religious predictors, but also by social location and political orientation. Finally, we show that distrust of atheists is correlated with other forms of prejudice in a stable way.
Who is like me and who is not, and what kind of relationship do I have to those who are different? This is a question of social boundaries, the distinctions we make along multiple dimensions that become culturally meaningful when they are socially recognized as important dimensions of difference. Social boundaries drawn along lines of race, gender, sexuality, or social class are often studied because they are understood to be invidious by nature and, when institutionalized in laws and social practices, to lead to systematic social, economic, and political disadvantage for those in marginalized groups (Lamont 1992, Lamont and Molnar 2002, Bourdieu 1982, Epstein 1988). In contrast to the way that other social boundaries are understood, social scientists have generally regarded religious boundaries as having positive consequences in both public and private life in the United States. One can, of course, find references to negative consequences of religious boundaries in American history – for example, anti-Catholic movements of the 19
th
century (Gleason 1980, Dolan 1985, Christiano 2000) or anti-
Muslim violence post 9/11. But the more common interpretation is that religion, because it is characterized in the United States by both voluntarism and pluralism, forms an important basis for morality and belonging in private life (Berger 1967, Hart 1986,
1
This draft paper is not for citation or quotation without permission. The research is supported by the
Edelstein Family Foundation as part of the American Mosaic Project at the University of Minnesota. Direct correspondence to Penny Edgell, University of Minnesota, Department of Sociology, 267 19
th
Avenue South, Minneapolis MN 55455 or by email at ## email not listed ##.
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