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Drawing the Line: Views of Atheists and Moral Boundaries in America
Unformatted Document Text:  Drawing the Line:  Views of Atheists and Moral Boundaries in America 1    Penny Edgell, Joseph Gerteis, & Douglas Hartmann Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota  Prepared for submission to the 100 th  Annual Meeting of the  American Sociological Association  January 15, 2005  Abstract  This paper examines the level and correlates of Americans’ distrust of atheists.  Using new, nationally-representative survey data measuring public and private trust, we show that atheists are more widely rejected than any other group measured.  Despite declining boundaries between religious groups, the boundary between believers and non-believers in America remains very strong.  Using logistic regression models, we find that public and private rejection of atheists is driven by religious predictors, but also by social location and political orientation.  Finally, we show that distrust of atheists is correlated with other forms of prejudice in a stable way.    Who is like me and who is not, and what kind of relationship do I have to those who are different?  This is a question of social boundaries, the distinctions we make along multiple dimensions that become culturally meaningful when they are socially recognized as important dimensions of difference.  Social boundaries drawn along lines of race, gender, sexuality, or social class are often studied because they are understood to be invidious by nature and, when institutionalized in laws and social practices, to lead to systematic social, economic, and political disadvantage for those in marginalized groups (Lamont 1992, Lamont and Molnar 2002, Bourdieu 1982, Epstein 1988).    In contrast to the way that other social boundaries are understood, social scientists have generally regarded religious boundaries as having positive consequences in both public and private life in the United States.  One can, of course, find references to negative consequences of religious boundaries in American history – for example, anti-Catholic movements of the 19 th  century (Gleason 1980, Dolan 1985, Christiano 2000) or anti- Muslim violence post 9/11.  But the more common interpretation is that religion, because it is characterized in the United States by both voluntarism and pluralism, forms an important basis for morality and belonging in private life (Berger 1967, Hart 1986,                                                    1  This draft paper is not for citation or quotation without permission.  The research is supported by the  Edelstein Family Foundation as part of the American Mosaic Project at the University of Minnesota.  Direct correspondence to Penny Edgell, University of Minnesota, Department of Sociology, 267 19 th   Avenue South, Minneapolis MN 55455 or by email at ## email not listed ##. 

Authors: Edgell, Penny., Gerteis, Joseph. and Hartmann, Douglas.
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Drawing the Line:  
Views of Atheists and Moral Boundaries in America
1
 
 
Penny Edgell, Joseph Gerteis, & Douglas Hartmann 
Department of Sociology, University of Minnesota 
 
Prepared for submission to the 100
th
 Annual Meeting of the 
American Sociological Association 
 
January 15, 2005 
Abstract 
This paper examines the level and correlates of Americans’ distrust of atheists.  
Using new, nationally-representative survey data measuring public and private 
trust, we show that atheists are more widely rejected than any other group 
measured.  Despite declining boundaries between religious groups, the boundary 
between believers and non-believers in America remains very strong.  Using 
logistic regression models, we find that public and private rejection of atheists is 
driven by religious predictors, but also by social location and political orientation.  
Finally, we show that distrust of atheists is correlated with other forms of 
prejudice in a stable way. 
 
 
Who is like me and who is not, and what kind of relationship do I have to those who are 
different?  This is a question of social boundaries, the distinctions we make along 
multiple dimensions that become culturally meaningful when they are socially recognized 
as important dimensions of difference.  Social boundaries drawn along lines of race, 
gender, sexuality, or social class are often studied because they are understood to be 
invidious by nature and, when institutionalized in laws and social practices, to lead to 
systematic social, economic, and political disadvantage for those in marginalized groups 
(Lamont 1992, Lamont and Molnar 2002, Bourdieu 1982, Epstein 1988).   
 
In contrast to the way that other social boundaries are understood, social scientists have 
generally regarded religious boundaries as having positive consequences in both public 
and private life in the United States.  One can, of course, find references to negative 
consequences of religious boundaries in American history – for example, anti-Catholic 
movements of the 19
th
 century (Gleason 1980, Dolan 1985, Christiano 2000) or anti-
Muslim violence post 9/11.  But the more common interpretation is that religion, because 
it is characterized in the United States by both voluntarism and pluralism, forms an 
important basis for morality and belonging in private life (Berger 1967, Hart 1986, 
                                                 
1
 This draft paper is not for citation or quotation without permission.  The research is supported by the 
Edelstein Family Foundation as part of the American Mosaic Project at the University of Minnesota.  
Direct correspondence to Penny Edgell, University of Minnesota, Department of Sociology, 267 19
th
 
Avenue South, Minneapolis MN 55455 or by email at ## email not listed ##. 


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