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Harmony or Discord?: Evaluating the Foreign Policy Orientations of American Elites, 1992 to 2004
Unformatted Document Text:  representing the European Union (Danner 1997; Schwartz 1994/1995). Over the objections of the EU and Canada, Clinton implemented sanctions against European and Canadian businesses operating in Iran, Libya, and Cuba. Moreover, Clinton’s inability in October 1999 to lead the US Senate to provide advice and consent on the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) reflected the image of a country unwilling to effectively engage with other nations. In addition, over the objections most states, Clinton began testing a missile defense system that would eventually contribute to President Bush Jr.’s decision to withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (AMB). Although the 2000 presidential campaign presented both elites and the mass public with a national debate about America's role in the world, public apathy and divisions within the two parties encouraged candidates to avoid foreign policy issues. When former Vice-President Al Gore and then- Governor George W. Bush did speak about world affairs, they seemed more concerning with allaying the electorate’s fear about their foreign policy competence rather than leading them with a new grand strategy. Besides, with no new foreign policy consensus, it appeared as if the new president would be constrained well into the new millennium. In early 2000, former Representative Joe Scarborough (R-FL) even warned: “Any Republican president who expects the House members and probably the newer members of the Senate to merrily go along and rubber-stamp” his national security policies “will be very disappointed” (see Lindsay 2000: 43). In the wake of 9/11, the 2004 campaign appeared as if it would be the first time since the Vietnam War that global affairs and security issues would be higher public priorities than the domestic economy. Pew Research Center surveys revealed that the public’s focus on foreign policy concerns was increasing as the campaigns progressed. 41% cited the Iraq war and terrorism as the most important problems facing the country, while just 26% offered economic worries. In a January 2004 Pew Research Center survey, 37% cited international or security problems, while 35% listed economic concerns. By July, the number citing international or security problems, most namely the Iraq war (25%) and terrorism (8%), rose to 41%, while a net of 26% cited any kind of economic concerns (see Pew Research Center 2004). 2

Authors: Dolan, Chris.
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representing the European Union (Danner 1997; Schwartz 1994/1995). Over the objections of the EU
and Canada, Clinton implemented sanctions against European and Canadian businesses operating in Iran,
Libya, and Cuba. Moreover, Clinton’s inability in October 1999 to lead the US Senate to provide advice
and consent on the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) reflected the image of a country
unwilling to effectively engage with other nations. In addition, over the objections most states, Clinton
began testing a missile defense system that would eventually contribute to President Bush Jr.’s decision to
withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (AMB).
Although the 2000 presidential campaign presented both elites and the mass public with a
national debate about America's role in the world, public apathy and divisions within the two parties
encouraged candidates to avoid foreign policy issues. When former Vice-President Al Gore and then-
Governor George W. Bush did speak about world affairs, they seemed more concerning with allaying the
electorate’s fear about their foreign policy competence rather than leading them with a new grand
strategy. Besides, with no new foreign policy consensus, it appeared as if the new president would be
constrained well into the new millennium. In early 2000, former Representative Joe Scarborough (R-FL)
even warned: “Any Republican president who expects the House members and probably the newer
members of the Senate to merrily go along and rubber-stamp” his national security policies “will be very
disappointed” (see Lindsay 2000: 43).
In the wake of 9/11, the 2004 campaign appeared as if it would be the first time since the
Vietnam War that global affairs and security issues would be higher public priorities than the domestic
economy. Pew Research Center surveys revealed that the public’s focus on foreign policy concerns was
increasing as the campaigns progressed. 41% cited the Iraq war and terrorism as the most important
problems facing the country, while just 26% offered economic worries. In a January 2004 Pew Research
Center survey, 37% cited international or security problems, while 35% listed economic concerns. By
July, the number citing international or security problems, most namely the Iraq war (25%) and terrorism
(8%), rose to 41%, while a net of 26% cited any kind of economic concerns (see Pew Research Center
2004).
2


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