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Explaining Dual Identity in Taiwan: A Two-Dimensional Perspective on National Identity
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hypothesis. As Graph 1 illustrates, the proportion of Chinese nationalistswas decreasing, while that of dual identity was increasing in the mean time.On the other hand, neither does the claim that Taiwanese-ness in the dualidentity is mainly a local or regional concept stand. As the measurementis about the political domain of the national identity, the dominance ofthe dual identity indicates that the Taiwanese-ness of the dual identity alsocontains a political inclination. It is not a regional identity, as parallel tothe Cantonese identity, which would never lead to the option for Cantonindependence.
The figures in Table 4 further support the argument that the meaning
of Taiwanese-ness in the dual identity is not local-regional, but political-national. It seems having roots in the ideas of political sovereignty andself-determination.
In 1996, the year when dual identity had surpassed
Chinese Nationalists and became the largest category, 85 percent of thepeople holding dual identity claimed that only Taiwan’s residents have therights to decide the future of Taiwan, no matter it opts for independenceor unification. In 2000, supporters for the same claim remained about thesame proportion; 85 percent of the respondents with dual identity agreedthat China has no right to intrude with Taiwan’s pursuit of independence.Their assertion of Taiwan’s political sovereignty is not that different fromTaiwanese nationalist.
(Table 4 about here)
As to the second competing hypothesis, Graph 1 also shows it is empiri-
cally ungrounded. The hypothesis speculates that as the essence of Chinese-ness has been transformed from the concept of nationality to that of culturalidentity, the phenomenon of dual identity, they claim, should be interpretedas the combination of a Taiwanese political/civic identity with a Chinesecultural/ethnic identity. This perspective presumes the domination of Tai-wanese national-political identity. Graph 1 however illustrates that Taiwannationalists, although on the rise, was far from dominating the political iden-tity market as the hypothesis expects. Besides, contrary to its argument, theChinese component has not yet been transformed from a nationalist idea tocultural expression or ethnic category (Huaren). Since Graph 1 depicts thepolitical domain of the national identity, the dominance of the dual identityindicates that the Chinese part of the dual identity also contains a politi-cal inclination. Therefore, it is not an ethnic category, as (using the sameanalogy) African-American, which will never lead to the search for a unifiedAfrica.
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| | Authors: Shen, Shiau-chi. |
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hypothesis. As Graph 1 illustrates, the proportion of Chinese nationalists
was decreasing, while that of dual identity was increasing in the mean time.
On the other hand, neither does the claim that Taiwanese-ness in the dual
identity is mainly a local or regional concept stand. As the measurement
is about the political domain of the national identity, the dominance of
the dual identity indicates that the Taiwanese-ness of the dual identity also
contains a political inclination. It is not a regional identity, as parallel to
the Cantonese identity, which would never lead to the option for Canton
independence.
The figures in Table 4 further support the argument that the meaning
of Taiwanese-ness in the dual identity is not local-regional, but political-
national. It seems having roots in the ideas of political sovereignty and
self-determination.
In 1996, the year when dual identity had surpassed
Chinese Nationalists and became the largest category, 85 percent of the
people holding dual identity claimed that only Taiwan’s residents have the
rights to decide the future of Taiwan, no matter it opts for independence
or unification. In 2000, supporters for the same claim remained about the
same proportion; 85 percent of the respondents with dual identity agreed
that China has no right to intrude with Taiwan’s pursuit of independence.
Their assertion of Taiwan’s political sovereignty is not that different from
Taiwanese nationalist.
(Table 4 about here)
As to the second competing hypothesis, Graph 1 also shows it is empiri-
cally ungrounded. The hypothesis speculates that as the essence of Chinese-
ness has been transformed from the concept of nationality to that of cultural
identity, the phenomenon of dual identity, they claim, should be interpreted
as the combination of a Taiwanese political/civic identity with a Chinese
cultural/ethnic identity. This perspective presumes the domination of Tai-
wanese national-political identity. Graph 1 however illustrates that Taiwan
nationalists, although on the rise, was far from dominating the political iden-
tity market as the hypothesis expects. Besides, contrary to its argument, the
Chinese component has not yet been transformed from a nationalist idea to
cultural expression or ethnic category (Huaren). Since Graph 1 depicts the
political domain of the national identity, the dominance of the dual identity
indicates that the Chinese part of the dual identity also contains a politi-
cal inclination. Therefore, it is not an ethnic category, as (using the same
analogy) African-American, which will never lead to the search for a unified
Africa.
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