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Explaining Dual Identity in Taiwan: A Two-Dimensional Perspective on National Identity
Unformatted Document Text:  Table 5 further demonstrates the argument that the component of Chi- nese in the dual identity has a political element. In 1996, 61 percent of thepeople holding dual identity claimed that no matter how large the disparitybetween Taiwan and China was this disparity should be overcome so as toaccomplish Chinese unification. Compare to Taiwanese nationalists, only 15percent of them would take up this political mission. If the Chinese com-ponent of the dual identity is merely cultural, it is hard to explain the hugedifference between Taiwanese nationalists and people with dual identity onthe attitude to unification with China. If Chinese-ness has become a cul-tural expression for those with dual identity, it is hard to reconcile with thefact that almost two thirds of them bear a political mission of Chinese uni-fication. In 2000, support for the same political mission remained about thesame; 64 percent of the people with dual identity desired Chinese unification. (Table 5 about here) In sum, Graph 1 supports the argument that in a major period of time, two national identities have coexisted not only in the Taiwanese society,but also in individual’s attachment to her/his political community, and inher/his imagination of the nation’s future. As the rise of Taiwanese con-sciousness, more and more people came to hold a Taiwanese identity. Nev-ertheless, they did not throw away their Chinese identity in order to acquirea new Taiwanese identity. Instead, they hold both national identities. Thiscoexistence of two national identities indicates that the two are not neces-sarily conflictive, but, rather, could be compatible to one another. Conclusion After the democratic transition, national identity has become an essentialvariable to study the social cleavages, domestic political competitions, and(future) relations with the PRC. Researches and surveys probing the issueof national identity in Taiwan have all pointed out that within 15 yearsthe national identity of general public has changed rapidly. Most of thosestudies have pictured the trend of identity change within this period as thereplacement of orthodox Chinese nationalism by the emerging Taiwaneseidentity. Concerning the large segment among the population who show nopreference for either independence or unification, different, and conflicting,interpretations have been proposed. These different interpretations of trend 18

Authors: Shen, Shiau-chi.
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Table 5 further demonstrates the argument that the component of Chi-
nese in the dual identity has a political element. In 1996, 61 percent of the
people holding dual identity claimed that no matter how large the disparity
between Taiwan and China was this disparity should be overcome so as to
accomplish Chinese unification. Compare to Taiwanese nationalists, only 15
percent of them would take up this political mission. If the Chinese com-
ponent of the dual identity is merely cultural, it is hard to explain the huge
difference between Taiwanese nationalists and people with dual identity on
the attitude to unification with China. If Chinese-ness has become a cul-
tural expression for those with dual identity, it is hard to reconcile with the
fact that almost two thirds of them bear a political mission of Chinese uni-
fication. In 2000, support for the same political mission remained about the
same; 64 percent of the people with dual identity desired Chinese unification.
(Table 5 about here)
In sum, Graph 1 supports the argument that in a major period of time,
two national identities have coexisted not only in the Taiwanese society,
but also in individual’s attachment to her/his political community, and in
her/his imagination of the nation’s future. As the rise of Taiwanese con-
sciousness, more and more people came to hold a Taiwanese identity. Nev-
ertheless, they did not throw away their Chinese identity in order to acquire
a new Taiwanese identity. Instead, they hold both national identities. This
coexistence of two national identities indicates that the two are not neces-
sarily conflictive, but, rather, could be compatible to one another.
Conclusion
After the democratic transition, national identity has become an essential
variable to study the social cleavages, domestic political competitions, and
(future) relations with the PRC. Researches and surveys probing the issue
of national identity in Taiwan have all pointed out that within 15 years
the national identity of general public has changed rapidly. Most of those
studies have pictured the trend of identity change within this period as the
replacement of orthodox Chinese nationalism by the emerging Taiwanese
identity. Concerning the large segment among the population who show no
preference for either independence or unification, different, and conflicting,
interpretations have been proposed. These different interpretations of trend
18


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