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Cracking the White “Solid South” with the Nexus of Race and Religion: The 1960’s as Transition?
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because in practice, in almost all cases, the third party vote turns out to be most politically meaningfully grouped with the Republican vote.
2
Virginia, notwithstanding that West Virginia was carved from it soon thereafter, and is a strong
Democratic state today.
xii
A remaining concern might involve the social desirability pressures associated with
responses to the affirmative action policy items. If such censoring occurs more in the North than in the South, then perhaps this accounts for our regional difference. But Kuklinski et al. (1997) show that Southerners exhibit a larger gap than do Northerners between standard survey measures of racial attitudes and unobtrusive measures of them. This may reflect a greater tendency in the South than in the North to distort true prejudices in a more socially desirable direction when responding overtly to such questions. If so, the correlation between racial attitudes and party identification (and/or the vote) should be suppressed more in the South than in the North, and we would actually be underestimating regional differences.
xiii
At the extreme right wing, Christian identity is closely linked to white identity, support for the KKK, and violent
antagonism toward Jews and peoples of color is manifested in support for “white bastions” in the Northwest. Indeed the Christian Identity movement is explicitly race-based (Bermanzohn, 1998). We would not claim that this reflects the views of the mainstream in any section of the country, but it does provide models for this linkage.
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| | Authors: Sears, David. and Valentino, Nicholas. |
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49
because in practice, in almost all cases, the third party vote turns out to be most politically
meaningfully grouped with the Republican vote.
2
Virginia, notwithstanding that West Virginia was carved from it soon thereafter, and is a strong
Democratic state today.
xii
A remaining concern might involve the social desirability pressures associated with
responses to the affirmative action policy items. If such censoring occurs more in the North
than in the South, then perhaps this accounts for our regional difference. But Kuklinski et al.
(1997) show that Southerners exhibit a larger gap than do Northerners between standard
survey measures of racial attitudes and unobtrusive measures of them. This may reflect a
greater tendency in the South than in the North to distort true prejudices in a more socially
desirable direction when responding overtly to such questions. If so, the correlation between
racial attitudes and party identification (and/or the vote) should be suppressed more in the
South than in the North, and we would actually be underestimating regional differences.
xiii
At the extreme right wing, Christian identity is closely linked to white identity, support for the KKK, and violent
antagonism toward Jews and peoples of color is manifested in support for “white bastions” in the Northwest. Indeed
the Christian Identity movement is explicitly race-based (Bermanzohn, 1998). We would not claim that this reflects
the views of the mainstream in any section of the country, but it does provide models for this linkage.
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