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Beyond Liberal Nationalism? Jurgen Habermas' Theory of Cosmopolitanism
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30
See Julia Kristeva, Nation Without Nationalism*
31
For a more detailed discussion of this concept see Robert Fine ‘Taking the “ism” out of
cosmopolitanism’, European Journal of Social Theory, forthcoming.
32
In his essay on ‘Why Europe needs a constitution’ Habermas writes that the project of a European
political union ‘requires the legitimation of shared values… an interest in and affective attachment to a particular ethos… the attraction of a particular way of life… During the third quarter of the past century… the citizens of Western Europe were fortunate enough to develop a distinctive form of life …Today, against perceived threats from globalisation, they are prepared to defend the core of a welfare state that is the backbone of a society still oriented towards social, political and cultural inclusion…“Europe is much more than a market. It stands for a model of society that has grown historically…”’ (Habermas, “A constitution for Europe?”, pp. 8-10; all emphases are ours).
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Jürgen Habermas ‘Letter to America’ The Nation, December 16, 2002. Notice that in order to
maintain the idea that the European Union constitutes a cosmopolitan counter-point to the U.S. he has to disassociate it from the political judgments and positions of more than one of its more prominent members.
34
Habermas returns to this theme in his assessment of the differences between EU and US policy
towards Iraq (Jürgen Habermas ‘Interpreting the Fall of a Monument’, Constellations, 10:3, 2003).
35
Robert Kagan shares Habermas’ diagnosis of the US as a willing military agent in the world and the
EU as an enlightened advocate of dialogue and diplomacy, but attributes this not so much to differences within their respective political cultures or histories, but to differences in their respective power positions (Robert Kagan, Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order,London: Atlantic Books, 2003). Whatever the weaknesses of his analysis (for a critique see Howard Zin, ‘Of Paradise and Power’, Znet, February 9, 2004), Kagan is at least aware of the ambivalence in the European position and its relation to a hard-nosed appraisal of European interests.
36
Hannah Arendt Origins of Totalitarianism New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1976, preface, pp.
ix.
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| | Authors: Fine, Robert. and Smith, Will. |
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18
30
See Julia Kristeva, Nation Without Nationalism*
31
For a more detailed discussion of this concept see Robert Fine ‘Taking the “ism” out of
cosmopolitanism’, European Journal of Social Theory, forthcoming.
32
In his essay on ‘Why Europe needs a constitution’ Habermas writes that the project of a European
political union ‘requires the legitimation of shared values… an interest in and affective attachment to a
particular ethos… the attraction of a particular way of life… During the third quarter of the past
century… the citizens of Western Europe were fortunate enough to develop a distinctive form of life …
Today, against perceived threats from globalisation, they are prepared to defend the core of a welfare
state that is the backbone of a society still oriented towards social, political and cultural inclusion…
“Europe is much more than a market. It stands for a model of society that has grown historically…”’
(Habermas, “A constitution for Europe?”, pp. 8-10; all emphases are ours).
33
Jürgen Habermas ‘Letter to America’ The Nation, December 16, 2002. Notice that in order to
maintain the idea that the European Union constitutes a cosmopolitan counter-point to the U.S. he has
to disassociate it from the political judgments and positions of more than one of its more prominent
members.
34
Habermas returns to this theme in his assessment of the differences between EU and US policy
towards Iraq (Jürgen Habermas ‘Interpreting the Fall of a Monument’, Constellations, 10:3, 2003).
35
Robert Kagan shares Habermas’ diagnosis of the US as a willing military agent in the world and the
EU as an enlightened advocate of dialogue and diplomacy, but attributes this not so much to
differences within their respective political cultures or histories, but to differences in their respective
power positions (Robert Kagan, Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order,
London: Atlantic Books, 2003). Whatever the weaknesses of his analysis (for a critique see Howard
Zin, ‘Of Paradise and Power’, Znet, February 9, 2004), Kagan is at least aware of the ambivalence in
the European position and its relation to a hard-nosed appraisal of European interests.
36
Hannah Arendt Origins of Totalitarianism New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1976, preface, pp.
ix.
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