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A Geopolitical Analysis of a Balkanized Iraq: The Political, Economic, and Military Viability of Hypothetically Trisected Iraqi States
Unformatted Document Text:  A Geopolitical Analysis of a Balkanized Iraq; The Political, Economic, and Military Viability of Hypothetically Trisected Iraqi States John P. Vanzo, Ph.D. Bainbridge College Bainbridge, Georgia ## email not listed ## A paper prepared for presentation at the 102 nd Meeting & Exhibition of the American Political Science Association August 31-September 3, 2006 in Philadelphia, PA. INTRODUCTION The Bush Administration’s definition of political success in post-Saddam Iraq has changed almost as frequently as their rationale for the initial military invasion. Gone are the heroically optimistic predictions of peace, economic development, religious tolerance, and multi-cultural civil society in Iraq, which would then serve as the first falling domino in an irresistible cascade of democratization throughout the Middle East (Danner 2002, Gaddis 2002, White House 2002). Chastened by rising military, financial, and political costs, the Administration now speaks more soberly of satisfaction with a fairly stable, some-day reasonably democratic government for the New Iraq (Diamond 2005, Wright 2005). Despite the fact that the characterization of success has been a moving target, one definition of abject political failure in Iraq has remained a constant: the fragmentation of the country into separate, possibly warring ethno-religious enclaves. The Bush Administration’s emphatic warnings regarding the consequences of Iraqi balkanization have been echoed by the governments of at least eight Arab countries in the region. Notwithstanding the Administration’s best efforts, however, recent events indicate that civil war and territorial partition are increasingly likely outcomes. For instance, July 2006 was the bloodiest month so far in terms of sectarian violence in Iraq. The peril of the situation was inadvertently acknowledged the following month by a leaked diplomatic note to British Prime Minister Tony Blair. In the note, the outgoing British ambassador to Iraq William Patey warned that civil war and a division of Iraq “is probably more likely at this stage than a successful and substantial transition to a stable democracy” (BBC 8/3/2006). Patey’s warnings were echoed just hours later by two senior American military commanders in testimony before the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee (CNN 8/3/2006). Iraq’s former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi has stated, “If this is not civil war, then God knows what civil war is” (CBS 3/19/2006). Given the preexisting hostilities between the ethnic and sectarian groups of Iraq, partition of the country in the event of civil war is increasingly probable. The heuristic exploration of just such a hypothetically fragmented Iraq is the subject of this paper. Specifically, it will apply traditional geopolitical methodologies of analysis to assess the political, economic, and military viability of an Iraq trisected into Sunni, Shi’a and Kurdish political entities. In doing so, the paper will trace the roots of ethno-sectarian conflict in Iraq and compare Iraq to two divergent models of national devolution. CASUS BELLI Although it is beyond the main focus of this paper to examine the rationale and conduct of the invasion of Iraq, it does bear mentioning that from the classic geopolitical perspective, the

Authors: Vanzo, John.
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A Geopolitical Analysis of a Balkanized Iraq;
The Political, Economic, and Military Viability of
Hypothetically Trisected Iraqi States
John P. Vanzo, Ph.D.
Bainbridge College
Bainbridge, Georgia
A paper prepared for presentation at the
102
nd
Meeting & Exhibition of the
American Political Science Association
August 31-September 3, 2006 in Philadelphia, PA.
INTRODUCTION
The Bush Administration’s definition of political success in post-Saddam Iraq has
changed almost as frequently as their rationale for the initial military invasion. Gone are the
heroically optimistic predictions of peace, economic development, religious tolerance, and multi-
cultural civil society in Iraq, which would then serve as the first falling domino in an irresistible
cascade of democratization throughout the Middle East (Danner 2002, Gaddis 2002, White House
2002). Chastened by rising military, financial, and political costs, the Administration now speaks
more soberly of satisfaction with a fairly stable, some-day reasonably democratic government for
the New Iraq (Diamond 2005, Wright 2005).
Despite the fact that the characterization of success has been a moving target, one
definition of abject political failure in Iraq has remained a constant: the fragmentation of the
country into separate, possibly warring ethno-religious enclaves. The Bush Administration’s
emphatic warnings regarding the consequences of Iraqi balkanization have been echoed by the
governments of at least eight Arab countries in the region.
Notwithstanding the Administration’s best efforts, however, recent events indicate that
civil war and territorial partition are increasingly likely outcomes. For instance, July 2006 was
the bloodiest month so far in terms of sectarian violence in Iraq. The peril of the situation was
inadvertently acknowledged the following month by a leaked diplomatic note to British Prime
Minister Tony Blair. In the note, the outgoing British ambassador to Iraq William Patey warned
that civil war and a division of Iraq “is probably more likely at this stage than a successful and
substantial transition to a stable democracy” (BBC 8/3/2006). Patey’s warnings were echoed just
hours later by two senior American military commanders in testimony before the U.S. Senate
Armed Services Committee (CNN 8/3/2006). Iraq’s former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi has
stated, “If this is not civil war, then God knows what civil war is” (CBS 3/19/2006). Given the
preexisting hostilities between the ethnic and sectarian groups of Iraq, partition of the country in
the event of civil war is increasingly probable.
The heuristic exploration of just such a hypothetically fragmented Iraq is the subject of
this paper. Specifically, it will apply traditional geopolitical methodologies of analysis to assess
the political, economic, and military viability of an Iraq trisected into Sunni, Shi’a and Kurdish
political entities. In doing so, the paper will trace the roots of ethno-sectarian conflict in Iraq and
compare Iraq to two divergent models of national devolution.
CASUS BELLI
Although it is beyond the main focus of this paper to examine the rationale and conduct
of the invasion of Iraq, it does bear mentioning that from the classic geopolitical perspective, the


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