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Issue Framing, Political Parties, and Individual Differences
Unformatted Document Text:  2 One of the most widely used means of elite attempts to influence public opinion is issue framing. It might also be among the most effective. Numerous studies conducted during the last couple of decades have revealed that citizens’ political perceptions and evaluations are highly dependent on how elites present and interpret the issue, at least if the framing consists of a one-sided message emphasizing only one aspect of the issue (e.g., Berinsky and Kinder 2006; Boomgaarden and de Vreese 2007; Iyengar 1991; Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997; Schuck and de Vreese 2006). Recently, however, scholars have expanded the research agenda beyond studies of how one-sided political information environments affect citizens. One important extension of earlier framing studies focuses on the impact of competitive or dual frames, that is, effects of exposing citizens to frames on both sides of an issue, with or without varying strength or frequency of frames (Chong and Druckman 2006; Sniderman and Theriault 2004). Another improvement of realism in previous research is studies investigating the interplay of issue frames and citizens’ deliberation (Price, Nie, and Cappella 2005; Druckman and Nelson 2003). These studies have illuminated the conditionality of framing effects and demonstrated how certain contexts of framing can enable citizens to pick the position most consistent with their prior values (Sniderman and Theriault 2004), subscribe to the strongest or most applicable frames (Chong and Druckman 2006), or resist elite influence with the help of peers (Druckman and Nelson 2003). Also these studies, however, neglect an important part of issue framing in politics: the role of political groups as sponsors of frames (Carmines and Kuklinski 1990; Gamson and Modigliani 1987; Hartman and Weber 2006, 9). Most issue contests are between political leaders and groups, and political information is rarely reported without some sort of source information (Carmines and Kuklinski 1990; Druckman 2001a). In particular, political parties play a key role in focussing issues and competing for shaping public opinion in both American and European politics (e.g., Kriesi 2005; Sniderman and Bullock 2004; Togeby 2004). Yet, effects of a partisan source or

Authors: Slothuus, Rune. and de Vreese, Claes.
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2
One of the most widely used means of elite attempts to influence public opinion is issue framing.
It might also be among the most effective. Numerous studies conducted during the last couple of
decades have revealed that citizens’ political perceptions and evaluations are highly dependent on
how elites present and interpret the issue, at least if the framing consists of a one-sided message
emphasizing only one aspect of the issue (e.g., Berinsky and Kinder 2006; Boomgaarden and de
Vreese 2007; Iyengar 1991; Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997; Schuck and de Vreese 2006).
Recently, however, scholars have expanded the research agenda beyond studies of how one-sided
political information environments affect citizens.
One important extension of earlier framing studies focuses on the impact of competitive
or dual frames, that is, effects of exposing citizens to frames on both sides of an issue, with or
without varying strength or frequency of frames (Chong and Druckman 2006; Sniderman and
Theriault 2004). Another improvement of realism in previous research is studies investigating the
interplay of issue frames and citizens’ deliberation (Price, Nie, and Cappella 2005; Druckman and
Nelson 2003). These studies have illuminated the conditionality of framing effects and
demonstrated how certain contexts of framing can enable citizens to pick the position most
consistent with their prior values (Sniderman and Theriault 2004), subscribe to the strongest or
most applicable frames (Chong and Druckman 2006), or resist elite influence with the help of
peers (Druckman and Nelson 2003).
Also these studies, however, neglect an important part of issue framing in politics: the role
of political groups as sponsors of frames (Carmines and Kuklinski 1990; Gamson and Modigliani
1987; Hartman and Weber 2006, 9). Most issue contests are between political leaders and groups,
and political information is rarely reported without some sort of source information (Carmines
and Kuklinski 1990; Druckman 2001a). In particular, political parties play a key role in focussing
issues and competing for shaping public opinion in both American and European politics (e.g.,
Kriesi 2005; Sniderman and Bullock 2004; Togeby 2004). Yet, effects of a partisan source or


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