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Thinking about Chemistry, Social Identity and Political Tolerance: A Multi-Method Study of Individual Differences in Political Cognition
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Thinking about Chemistry, Social Identity and Political Tolerance:
A Multi-Method Study of Individual Differences in Political Cognition
Paper presented at the 2008 Annual Meeting of the
American Political Science Association, Boston, MA
Shawn Rosenberg and Ted Wrigley
University of California, Irvine
## email not listed ##
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## email not listed ##
In this paper we explore the different ways in which people make sense of and
identify with social and political groups. In so doing, we draw on a structural pragmatic view of political thinking. This view suggests that a person’s political thinking is structured. Drawing on this claim, we explore the hypothesis that although a person may know more about some events and groups and less about others, his or her understandings will share common formal characteristics. Structural pragmatic theory also suggests that the structural qualities of political thinking may vary from one individual to the next. Following this, we explore the hypothesis that individuals may think in structurally different ways and therefore that different people may understand the same event in qualitatively different ways. Unlike earlier research on these questions, we adopt an approach which bridges the interpretive concerns and empirical methods of structural pragmatics with those which are more commonly adopted in political science studies of public opinion.
Our work is oriented by the structural pragmatic tradition of George Herbert
Mead (Mead, 1934) and Jurgen Habermas (Habermas, 1979; 1984/7), the neo-Piagetian tradition in developmental psychology (e.g., Piaget, 1971; Luria, 1976; Wertsch, 1991; Kegan, 1994; Nicolopoulou and Weintraub, 1998; Hogan and Tudge, 1999) and related work on political cognition (e.g., Haan et al. 1968; Wilson, 1992; Braunwarth, 1996; Muhlberger, 2000; Golec, 2002). To distinguish between different types of thinking we adopt Rosenberg’s three-fold typology of sequential, linear and systematic (Rosenberg, 1988a, 1988b, 2002). Each type generates its own distinctive understandings of social and political phenomena. The three types are related to one another as steps in a developmental trajectory that begins in childhood and continues through adolescence into adulthood. Of the three types, sequential develops first followed by linear and then systematic thinking. In general terms, this cognitive development progress leads to thinking is increasingly complex, integrative, reflective, abstract and hypothetical. While all people are assumed to have the capacity to develop systematic thinking, not all do so. How far people develop is understood to be a result of the quality of the environments to which they are exposed. To the degree the environment is more cognitively demanding (the more complex the everyday social tasks the individual must address) and is more supportive (more emotional and social support is provided to individuals as they attempt to better understand the world around them), cognitive development will be facilitated. Insofar as social environments are relatively simple (e.g. they consist of routinized exchanges with familiar others) and unsupportive (the costs of making mistakes are high), cognitive development will be obstructed. As a result of these different
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| | Authors: Rosenberg, Shawn. and Wrigley, Ted. |
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Thinking about Chemistry, Social Identity and Political Tolerance:
A Multi-Method Study of Individual Differences in Political Cognition
Paper presented at the 2008 Annual Meeting of the
American Political Science Association, Boston, MA
Shawn Rosenberg and Ted Wrigley
University of California, Irvine
In this paper we explore the different ways in which people make sense of and
identify with social and political groups. In so doing, we draw on a structural pragmatic view of political thinking. This view suggests that a person’s political thinking is structured. Drawing on this claim, we explore the hypothesis that although a person may know more about some events and groups and less about others, his or her understandings will share common formal characteristics. Structural pragmatic theory also suggests that the structural qualities of political thinking may vary from one individual to the next. Following this, we explore the hypothesis that individuals may think in structurally different ways and therefore that different people may understand the same event in qualitatively different ways. Unlike earlier research on these questions, we adopt an approach which bridges the interpretive concerns and empirical methods of structural pragmatics with those which are more commonly adopted in political science studies of public opinion.
Our work is oriented by the structural pragmatic tradition of George Herbert
Mead (Mead, 1934) and Jurgen Habermas (Habermas, 1979; 1984/7), the neo-Piagetian tradition in developmental psychology (e.g., Piaget, 1971; Luria, 1976; Wertsch, 1991; Kegan, 1994; Nicolopoulou and Weintraub, 1998; Hogan and Tudge, 1999) and related work on political cognition (e.g., Haan et al. 1968; Wilson, 1992; Braunwarth, 1996; Muhlberger, 2000; Golec, 2002). To distinguish between different types of thinking we adopt Rosenberg’s three-fold typology of sequential, linear and systematic (Rosenberg, 1988a, 1988b, 2002). Each type generates its own distinctive understandings of social and political phenomena. The three types are related to one another as steps in a developmental trajectory that begins in childhood and continues through adolescence into adulthood. Of the three types, sequential develops first followed by linear and then systematic thinking. In general terms, this cognitive development progress leads to thinking is increasingly complex, integrative, reflective, abstract and hypothetical. While all people are assumed to have the capacity to develop systematic thinking, not all do so. How far people develop is understood to be a result of the quality of the environments to which they are exposed. To the degree the environment is more cognitively demanding (the more complex the everyday social tasks the individual must address) and is more supportive (more emotional and social support is provided to individuals as they attempt to better understand the world around them), cognitive development will be facilitated. Insofar as social environments are relatively simple (e.g. they consist of routinized exchanges with familiar others) and unsupportive (the costs of making mistakes are high), cognitive development will be obstructed. As a result of these different
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