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"The Choice is Yours" in Minneapolis: The Mixed Results of Busing Urban Students to Suburban Schools
Unformatted Document Text:  and  economically   better-off   families   are  more   likely   to  hire   tutors,   meet  with  teachers,   use  “proper” English in the household, and create educationally meaningful leisure time for their  children (Ibid, p. 2122).   Further, lower-income students suffer from a wide range of health- related problems compared to economically better-off students, including poorer vision and oral  hygiene, more asthma and lead poisoning, poorer nutrition, less adequate pediatric care, and  more   exposure   to   smoke   (Rothstein,   2004,   p.   3).     The   combined   influence   of   all   of   these  obstacles   faced   by  students   in   poverty   is,   according   to   Richard   Rothstein,   “probably   huge”  (Rothstein, 2004, p. 3).   Further, contextual variables such as peer influences and classroom environment have  measurable  impacts on  educational  achievement  levels (Kahlenberg,  2001;  Rothstein,  2004).  Students who attend schools with higher poverty rates are exposed to more lower-performing  students.   Teachers also face more discipline-related problems in high-poverty schools, which  present a major obstacle to academic achievement.  Consequently, high-poverty schools are an  extremely complex, multi-dimensional problem.        Context of the Minneapolis NAACP Case   In many respects, the citizens and institutions of Minneapolis demonstrate a significant level of  concern for the Minneapolis Public Schools (MPS).  For example, city voters have consistently  shown a willingness to support increasing funds for the city’s schools by supporting excess  school levies earmarked for additional spending in the MPS in each of the three instances since  the  levy was first  created  in  1990.   In  the  most  recent  of  these  in  November  2000,   voters  overwhelmingly supported a $42 million school levy increase to keep classes small and pay for  early   childhood   education   programs.     Seventy-three   percent   of   voters   supported   the   levy  increase, which carried every precinct in the city, and received nearly 80 percent support in some  precincts   (Shah,   2000).     In   fact,   because   of   state   educational   funding   policies   and   the   tax  3

Authors: Kraus, Neil.
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and  economically   better-off   families   are  more   likely   to  hire   tutors,   meet  with  teachers,   use 
“proper” English in the household, and create educationally meaningful leisure time for their 
children (Ibid, p. 2122).   Further, lower-income students suffer from a wide range of health-
related problems compared to economically better-off students, including poorer vision and oral 
hygiene, more asthma and lead poisoning, poorer nutrition, less adequate pediatric care, and 
more   exposure   to   smoke   (Rothstein,   2004,   p.   3).     The   combined   influence   of   all   of   these 
obstacles   faced   by  students   in   poverty   is,   according   to   Richard   Rothstein,   “probably   huge” 
(Rothstein, 2004, p. 3).  
Further, contextual variables such as peer influences and classroom environment have 
measurable  impacts on  educational  achievement  levels (Kahlenberg,  2001;  Rothstein,  2004). 
Students who attend schools with higher poverty rates are exposed to more lower-performing 
students.   Teachers also face more discipline-related problems in high-poverty schools, which 
present a major obstacle to academic achievement.  Consequently, high-poverty schools are an 
extremely complex, multi-dimensional problem.       
Context of the Minneapolis NAACP Case  
In many respects, the citizens and institutions of Minneapolis demonstrate a significant level of 
concern for the Minneapolis Public Schools (MPS).  For example, city voters have consistently 
shown a willingness to support increasing funds for the city’s schools by supporting excess 
school levies earmarked for additional spending in the MPS in each of the three instances since 
the  levy was first  created  in  1990.   In  the  most  recent  of  these  in  November  2000,   voters 
overwhelmingly supported a $42 million school levy increase to keep classes small and pay for 
early   childhood   education   programs.     Seventy-three   percent   of   voters   supported   the   levy 
increase, which carried every precinct in the city, and received nearly 80 percent support in some 
precincts   (Shah,   2000).     In   fact,   because   of   state   educational   funding   policies   and   the   tax 
3


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