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The Case against Chinese Exceptionalism: Confucian Culture and the Use of Force
Unformatted Document Text:  1       No one likes to see their discipline dominated by others. When it comes to the  study of international relations (IR), the field is, fortunately or unfortunately depending  on where you stand, dominated by the United States. At present, the IR field in China is  flooded with theories imported from the West. For a country with a long and rich history,  the aspiration to come up with its own “brand” of IR is understandable. In truth, since the  Opium War of 1839, Chinese scholars have struggled to cope with the influx of Western  ideas and concepts, as demonstrated in the famous debate over “Chinese learning”  (zhongxue) vs. “Western learning” (xixue) in the late Qing Dynasty. The issues of those  days were whether China should reject Western schools of thought, replace its own with  those imported from the West, or synthesize both.  More than a hundred years later, the  debate continues—a consensus has yet to emerge. Although the Western-learning school  seems to have the upper hand, the Sinification (zhongguohua) of non-Chinese theories  remains a constant refrain in China’s academic community.    There are several possible reasons behind the quest for a Chinese School— nationalism, ideology, government policy needs, or a desire to strengthen the IR field in  China. Some proponents of the Chinese School are aware of the adverse consequences of  letting the field serve political purposes and have shrewdly framed their endeavor as an  academic pursuit. 1  For these scholars, existing IR theory is derived from non-Chinese  experience and as such is inadequate for explaining China’s distinctive situation and  providing guidance. In this view, China’s peaceful tribute system of the past and its rising  power at present are distinctive problems that existing IR theories have failed to capture. 2   Distinctive problems require a distinctive school of thought. Many proponents turn to  Confucianism for insight, arguing that peace, stability, and harmony have been the  central feature of China’s foreign relations for more than 2,000 years.                                                    1  This is why the early call for an IR theory “with Chinese characteristics” went out of favor because it  closely paralleled the government’s policy of pursuing “socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Today the most commonly used term is “Chinese School.”  2  Qin Yaqing, "Why Is There No Chinese International Relations Theory?," International Relations of the  Asia-Pacific 7 (2007): 313-340. This view dovetails nicely with the criticism that IR theories (mostly realist) “do a poor job” when applied to Asia. David C. Kang, "Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks," International Security 27, no. 4 (Spring 2003): 57-85, at 58. 

Authors: Wang, Yuan-kang.
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background image
 
 
 
No one likes to see their discipline dominated by others. When it comes to the 
study of international relations (IR), the field is, fortunately or unfortunately depending 
on where you stand, dominated by the United States. At present, the IR field in China is 
flooded with theories imported from the West. For a country with a long and rich history, 
the aspiration to come up with its own “brand” of IR is understandable. In truth, since the 
Opium War of 1839, Chinese scholars have struggled to cope with the influx of Western 
ideas and concepts, as demonstrated in the famous debate over “Chinese learning” 
(zhongxue) vs. “Western learning” (xixue) in the late Qing Dynasty. The issues of those 
days were whether China should reject Western schools of thought, replace its own with 
those imported from the West, or synthesize both.  More than a hundred years later, the 
debate continues—a consensus has yet to emerge. Although the Western-learning school 
seems to have the upper hand, the Sinification (zhongguohua) of non-Chinese theories 
remains a constant refrain in China’s academic community. 
 
There are several possible reasons behind the quest for a Chinese School—
nationalism, ideology, government policy needs, or a desire to strengthen the IR field in 
China. Some proponents of the Chinese School are aware of the adverse consequences of 
letting the field serve political purposes and have shrewdly framed their endeavor as an 
academic pursuit.
1
 For these scholars, existing IR theory is derived from non-Chinese 
experience and as such is inadequate for explaining China’s distinctive situation and 
providing guidance. In this view, China’s peaceful tribute system of the past and its rising 
power at present are distinctive problems that existing IR theories have failed to capture.
2
 
Distinctive problems require a distinctive school of thought. Many proponents turn to 
Confucianism for insight, arguing that peace, stability, and harmony have been the 
central feature of China’s foreign relations for more than 2,000 years. 
                                                 
1
 This is why the early call for an IR theory “with Chinese characteristics” went out of favor because it 
closely paralleled the government’s policy of pursuing “socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Today the 
most commonly used term is “Chinese School.” 
2
 Qin Yaqing, "Why Is There No Chinese International Relations Theory?," International Relations of the 
Asia-Pacific 7 (2007): 313-340. This view dovetails nicely with the criticism that IR theories (mostly realist) 
“do a poor job” when applied to Asia. David C. Kang, "Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical 
Frameworks," International Security 27, no. 4 (Spring 2003): 57-85, at 58. 


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