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Working Women or Women Workers? The Women's Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order |
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Abstract:
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This paper examines the role of the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) in the development of the gendered Constitution that carved out a separate place for women in the American constitutional order in the years leading up to the judicial embrace of the New Deal. The WTUL was a unique organization, specifically designed to bridge both the women’s movement and the labor movement with its institutionalized alliance of middle-class and predominantly female reformers (known as allies) and working-class women. The primary founding mission of the WTUL was to facilitate trade union organizing and successful collective bargaining by women workers, particularly through their acceptance into unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which was then dedicated to voluntarist solutions to labor’s difficulties. The WTUL, thus, began with a commitment to the labor Constitution of the AFL, which in response to the laissez faire constitutionalism of the Lochner Court, stitched collective bargaining and economic pluralism into the American constitutional fabric.
The WTUL’s trade union approach to empowering women workers and integrating them into the labor movement would ultimately fail, however, with the hostility of the AFL to women workers, pushing the WTUL to more fully embrace its connections to the women’s movement and to contribute instead to the strategic legislative program of progressive reformers such as Florence Kelley and her National Consumers’ League (NCL), that was beginning to flourish under the gendered exception they’d won to free contract liberty in Muller v. Oregon in 1908.
The story of the WTUL, then, is a story of an ideological and constitutional transition from anti-statist voluntarism to pragmatic and statist maternalism, placing the WTUL firmly and uniquely within the ambit of two of the key reconstructive forces of the modern constitutional order – labor and gender. This transition by the WTUL was neither smooth nor complete, but it created cross-class tensions between its middle-class and working-class members and identifiers that illuminated the challenges faced by women at this time trying to carve out a social and constitutional place as both women and as workers.
This case study of the WTUL also provides a unique lens through which to view not only the constitutional tradeoffs and unintended consequences of the adoption of the gendered Constitution as an alternative to the then floundering (and unwelcoming to women) labor Constitution, but also the resource-conscious decision-making of social movement actors that is often overlooked by constitutional scholars preoccupied with judicial decision-making rather than the agency of those often marginalized groups seeking constitutional change. |
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women (255), union (181), wtul (175), labor (154), work (127), leagu (117), organ (113), trade (98), worker (96), afl (95), constitut (88), legisl (83), american (82), movement (79), new (79), state (75), would (69), protect (57), class (54), wage (53), see (51), |
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Name: APSA 2008 Annual Meeting URL: http://www.apsanet.org
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MLA Citation:
| Martens, Allison. "Working Women or Women Workers? The Women's Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA 2008 Annual Meeting, Hynes Convention Center, Boston, Massachusetts, Aug 28, 2008 <Not Available>. 2008-12-10 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p279550_index.html> |
APA Citation:
| Martens, A. M. , 2008-08-28 "Working Women or Women Workers? The Women's Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA 2008 Annual Meeting, Hynes Convention Center, Boston, Massachusetts Online <PDF>. 2008-12-10 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p279550_index.html |
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript Abstract: This paper examines the role of the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) in the development of the gendered Constitution that carved out a separate place for women in the American constitutional order in the years leading up to the judicial embrace of the New Deal. The WTUL was a unique organization, specifically designed to bridge both the women’s movement and the labor movement with its institutionalized alliance of middle-class and predominantly female reformers (known as allies) and working-class women. The primary founding mission of the WTUL was to facilitate trade union organizing and successful collective bargaining by women workers, particularly through their acceptance into unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which was then dedicated to voluntarist solutions to labor’s difficulties. The WTUL, thus, began with a commitment to the labor Constitution of the AFL, which in response to the laissez faire constitutionalism of the Lochner Court, stitched collective bargaining and economic pluralism into the American constitutional fabric.
The WTUL’s trade union approach to empowering women workers and integrating them into the labor movement would ultimately fail, however, with the hostility of the AFL to women workers, pushing the WTUL to more fully embrace its connections to the women’s movement and to contribute instead to the strategic legislative program of progressive reformers such as Florence Kelley and her National Consumers’ League (NCL), that was beginning to flourish under the gendered exception they’d won to free contract liberty in Muller v. Oregon in 1908.
The story of the WTUL, then, is a story of an ideological and constitutional transition from anti-statist voluntarism to pragmatic and statist maternalism, placing the WTUL firmly and uniquely within the ambit of two of the key reconstructive forces of the modern constitutional order – labor and gender. This transition by the WTUL was neither smooth nor complete, but it created cross-class tensions between its middle-class and working-class members and identifiers that illuminated the challenges faced by women at this time trying to carve out a social and constitutional place as both women and as workers.
This case study of the WTUL also provides a unique lens through which to view not only the constitutional tradeoffs and unintended consequences of the adoption of the gendered Constitution as an alternative to the then floundering (and unwelcoming to women) labor Constitution, but also the resource-conscious decision-making of social movement actors that is often overlooked by constitutional scholars preoccupied with judicial decision-making rather than the agency of those often marginalized groups seeking constitutional change. |
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| Working Women or Women Workers?  The Women’s Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order Allison M. Martens University of Louisville allison.martens@louisville.edu Prepared for delivery at the 2008 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association  August 28 Â August 31  2008. Copyright by the American Political Science Association 2 ABSTRACT This paper examines the role of the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) in the development of the gendered Constitution that carved out a separate place for women in the American constitutional order in the years leading up to the judicial embrace of the New Deal. The WTUL was a unique organization  specifically designed to bridge both the women’s movement and the labor movement with its institutionalized alliance of middleÂclass and predominantly female reformers (known as allies) and workingÂclass women. The primary founding mission of the WTUL was to facilitate trade union organizing and successful collective bargaining by women workers  particularly through their acceptance into unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL)  which was then dedicated to voluntarist solutions to labor’s difficulties.  The WTUL  thus  began with a commitment to the labor Constitution of the AFL  which in response to the laissez faire constitutionalism of the Lochner Court  stitched collective bargaining and economic pluralism into the American constitutional fabric. The WTUL’s trade union approach to empowering women workers and integrating them into the labor movement would ultimately fail  however  with the hostility of the AFL to women workers  pushing the WTUL to more fully embrace its connections to the women’s movement and to contribute instead to the strategic legislative program of progressive reformers such as Florence Kelley and her National Consumers’ League (NCL)  that was beginning to flourish 1 under the gendered exception they’d won to free contract liberty in Muller v. Oregon in 1908. The story of the WTUL  then  is a story of an ideological and constitutional transition from antiÂstatist voluntarism to pragmatic and statist maternalism  placing the WTUL firmly and uniquely within the ambit of two of the key reconstructive forces of the modern constitutional order – labor and gender. This transition by the WTUL was neither smooth nor complete  but it created crossÂclass tensions between its middleÂclass and workingÂclass members and identifiers that illuminated the challenges faced by women at this time trying to carve out a social and constitutional place as both women and as workers. This case study of the WTUL also provides a unique lens through which to view not only the constitutional tradeoffs and unintended consequences of the adoption of the gendered Constitution as an alternative to the then floundering (and unwelcoming to women) labor Constitution  but also the resourceÂconscious decisionÂmaking of social movement actors that is often overlooked by constitutional scholars preoccupied with judicial decisionÂmaking rather than the agency of those often marginalized groups seeking constitutional change. INTRODUCTION 2 The  Supreme  Court’s  landmark  decision  in  West  Coast  Hotel  |
|  the  political  dynamics  of  cooperation  conflict  and competition between the parties that sought constitutional change during this era  we can better appreciate  and  understand  the  underlying  ironies  strategic  tradeoffs  and  unintended consequences of this often overlooked gender legacy of  West Coast Hotel and the New Deal constitutional revolution. 158  I do not mean  in pointing out the negative fallout of the gendered Constitution  to imply that it was a dishonor. These progressive labor reforms enabled by Muller greatly reduced the misery of exploited women workers at that time. 60 |
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