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Working Women or Women Workers? The Women's Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order

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This paper examines the role of the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) in the development of the gendered Constitution that carved out a separate place for women in the American constitutional order in the years leading up to the judicial embrace of the New Deal. The WTUL was a unique organization, specifically designed to bridge both the women’s movement and the labor movement with its institutionalized alliance of middle-class and predominantly female reformers (known as allies) and working-class women. The primary founding mission of the WTUL was to facilitate trade union organizing and successful collective bargaining by women workers, particularly through their acceptance into unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which was then dedicated to voluntarist solutions to labor’s difficulties. The WTUL, thus, began with a commitment to the labor Constitution of the AFL, which in response to the laissez faire constitutionalism of the Lochner Court, stitched collective bargaining and economic pluralism into the American constitutional fabric.

The WTUL’s trade union approach to empowering women workers and integrating them into the labor movement would ultimately fail, however, with the hostility of the AFL to women workers, pushing the WTUL to more fully embrace its connections to the women’s movement and to contribute instead to the strategic legislative program of progressive reformers such as Florence Kelley and her National Consumers’ League (NCL), that was beginning to flourish under the gendered exception they’d won to free contract liberty in Muller v. Oregon in 1908.

The story of the WTUL, then, is a story of an ideological and constitutional transition from anti-statist voluntarism to pragmatic and statist maternalism, placing the WTUL firmly and uniquely within the ambit of two of the key reconstructive forces of the modern constitutional order – labor and gender. This transition by the WTUL was neither smooth nor complete, but it created cross-class tensions between its middle-class and working-class members and identifiers that illuminated the challenges faced by women at this time trying to carve out a social and constitutional place as both women and as workers.

This case study of the WTUL also provides a unique lens through which to view not only the constitutional tradeoffs and unintended consequences of the adoption of the gendered Constitution as an alternative to the then floundering (and unwelcoming to women) labor Constitution, but also the resource-conscious decision-making of social movement actors that is often overlooked by constitutional scholars preoccupied with judicial decision-making rather than the agency of those often marginalized groups seeking constitutional change.

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women (255), union (181), wtul (175), labor (154), work (127), leagu (117), organ (113), trade (98), worker (96), afl (95), constitut (88), legisl (83), american (82), movement (79), new (79), state (75), would (69), protect (57), class (54), wage (53), see (51),
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Martens, Allison. "Working Women or Women Workers? The Women's Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA 2008 Annual Meeting, Hynes Convention Center, Boston, Massachusetts, Aug 28, 2008 <Not Available>. 2008-12-10 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p279550_index.html>

APA Citation:

Martens, A. M. , 2008-08-28 "Working Women or Women Workers? The Women's Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA 2008 Annual Meeting, Hynes Convention Center, Boston, Massachusetts Online <PDF>. 2008-12-10 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p279550_index.html

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper examines the role of the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) in the development of the gendered Constitution that carved out a separate place for women in the American constitutional order in the years leading up to the judicial embrace of the New Deal. The WTUL was a unique organization, specifically designed to bridge both the women’s movement and the labor movement with its institutionalized alliance of middle-class and predominantly female reformers (known as allies) and working-class women. The primary founding mission of the WTUL was to facilitate trade union organizing and successful collective bargaining by women workers, particularly through their acceptance into unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which was then dedicated to voluntarist solutions to labor’s difficulties. The WTUL, thus, began with a commitment to the labor Constitution of the AFL, which in response to the laissez faire constitutionalism of the Lochner Court, stitched collective bargaining and economic pluralism into the American constitutional fabric.

The WTUL’s trade union approach to empowering women workers and integrating them into the labor movement would ultimately fail, however, with the hostility of the AFL to women workers, pushing the WTUL to more fully embrace its connections to the women’s movement and to contribute instead to the strategic legislative program of progressive reformers such as Florence Kelley and her National Consumers’ League (NCL), that was beginning to flourish under the gendered exception they’d won to free contract liberty in Muller v. Oregon in 1908.

The story of the WTUL, then, is a story of an ideological and constitutional transition from anti-statist voluntarism to pragmatic and statist maternalism, placing the WTUL firmly and uniquely within the ambit of two of the key reconstructive forces of the modern constitutional order – labor and gender. This transition by the WTUL was neither smooth nor complete, but it created cross-class tensions between its middle-class and working-class members and identifiers that illuminated the challenges faced by women at this time trying to carve out a social and constitutional place as both women and as workers.

This case study of the WTUL also provides a unique lens through which to view not only the constitutional tradeoffs and unintended consequences of the adoption of the gendered Constitution as an alternative to the then floundering (and unwelcoming to women) labor Constitution, but also the resource-conscious decision-making of social movement actors that is often overlooked by constitutional scholars preoccupied with judicial decision-making rather than the agency of those often marginalized groups seeking constitutional change.

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Working Women or Women Workers?  The Women’s Trade Union League  and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order Allison M. Martens University of Louisville allison.martens@louisville.edu Prepared for delivery at the 2008 Annual Meeting of the American Political  Science Association  August 28 ­ August 31  2008. Copyright by the American Political Science Association 2 ABSTRACT This paper examines the role of the Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL) in the  development of the gendered Constitution that carved out a separate place for women in the  American constitutional order in the years leading up to the judicial embrace of the New Deal.  The WTUL was a unique organization  specifically designed to bridge both the women’s  movement and the labor movement with its institutionalized alliance of middle­class and  predominantly female reformers (known as allies) and working­class women. The primary  founding mission of the WTUL was to facilitate trade union organizing and successful collective  bargaining by women workers  particularly through their acceptance into unions affiliated with  the American Federation of Labor (AFL)  which was then dedicated to voluntarist solutions to  labor’s difficulties.  The WTUL  thus  began with a commitment to the labor Constitution of the  AFL  which in response to the laissez faire constitutionalism of the Lochner Court  stitched  collective bargaining and economic pluralism into the American constitutional fabric. The WTUL’s trade union approach to empowering women workers and integrating them  into the labor movement would ultimately fail  however  with the hostility of the AFL to women  workers  pushing the WTUL to more fully embrace its connections to the women’s movement  and to contribute instead to the strategic legislative program of progressive reformers such as  Florence Kelley and her National Consumers’ League (NCL)  that was beginning to flourish  1 under the gendered exception they’d won to free contract liberty in Muller v. Oregon in 1908.  The story of the WTUL  then  is a story of an ideological and constitutional transition  from anti­statist voluntarism to pragmatic and statist maternalism  placing the WTUL firmly and  uniquely within the ambit of two of the key reconstructive forces of the modern constitutional  order – labor and gender. This transition by the WTUL was neither smooth nor complete  but it  created cross­class tensions between its middle­class and working­class members and identifiers  that illuminated the challenges faced by women at this time trying to carve out a social and  constitutional place as both women and as workers.  This case study of the WTUL also provides a unique lens through which to view not only  the constitutional tradeoffs and unintended consequences of the adoption of the gendered  Constitution as an alternative to the then floundering (and unwelcoming to women) labor  Constitution  but also the resource­conscious decision­making of social movement actors that is  often overlooked by constitutional scholars preoccupied with judicial decision­making rather  than the agency of those often marginalized groups seeking constitutional change. INTRODUCTION 2 The   Supreme   Court’s   landmark   decision   in  West   Coast   Hotel  
  the   political   dynamics   of   cooperation   conflict   and  competition between the parties that sought constitutional change during this era  we can better  appreciate   and   understand   the   underlying   ironies   strategic   tradeoffs   and   unintended  consequences of this often overlooked gender legacy of  West Coast Hotel  and the New Deal  constitutional revolution. 158  I do not mean  in pointing out the negative fallout of the gendered Constitution  to imply that it was a dishonor.  These progressive labor reforms enabled by Muller greatly reduced the misery of exploited women workers at that  time. 60


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