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"Draining the Sea or Feeding the Fire?": The Use of Population Relocation in Counterinsurgency Operations
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DRAINING THE SEA, OR FEEDING THE FIRE
Colombia, among others.
[8]
What is odd about the enduring popularity of population resettlement, however, is that despite the frequency of its employment, the historical evidence on its efficacy in counterinsurgency
operations is mixed at best.
[9]
Its proponents rightly point to renowned successes in Malaya and
the Philippines in the 1950s as proof of its tactical value. Yet, for each of these oft-cited successes, there have been a handful of equally well-known failures, including both the agroville and strategic hamlet programs in Vietnam. In fact, history suggests that far more often than not, the long-term political (and sometimes, military) costs of using population relocation as a tool of counterinsurgency tend to outweigh the short-term military benefits, if and when even these can be garnered. In fact, examination of counterinsurgency operations over the last century suggests that not only does resettlement frequently fail to successfully sever ties between insurgents and the population, but also quite often it actually catalyzes greater support for—and connections with—rebel groups. This tends to enhance their prospects for success as well as the likelihood that the insurgency will spread and perhaps even spill over borders into neighboring countries. The interactive effects of the ongoing insurgency in Burundi and the outbreak of civil war in the
neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo is but one recent example that comes to mind.
[10]
The continued pervasiveness of population relocation in counterinsurgency operations in the face of myriad failures raises several obvious questions: First, why does it remain such a popular tactic, despite its problematic track record? Second, given that relocation schemes sometimes do succeed, is there a potentially generalizable theory about the conditions under which they will succeed and fail that can explain divergent outcomes? If so, what are these conditions? Or,
alternatively—as some have argued
[11]
—must each insurgency be viewed sui generis? Using
evidence from a variety of historical counterinsurgency operations—over time and across the globe—this paper proposes two sets of hypotheses to answer these questions and offers some preliminary tests of them. To be clear, this paper should be viewed as a plausibility probe for the hypotheses forwarded. Detailed case studies and/or large-N analysis would be necessary to declare more decisively that these hypotheses are valid and/or proven. To briefly summarize the argument that follows: first, I hypothesize the relocation remains such a popular tactic because, whatever one’s theory of victory—be it what is commonly referred to as the “hearts-and-minds” school of counterinsurgency or the competing so-called the “coercion” or “cost-benefit” school—population relocation often appears integral to achieving it. This is due to the high value both schools place on keeping insurgents and non-combatants apart. Second, I argue that indeed there is a generalizable theory of population relocation that can effectively explain a goodly number of successes and failures. Specifically, I hypothesize that relocation schemes frequently fail because of the problem of “unfulfilled expectations.” Simply put, for
file:///Users/kelly/Desktop/Greenhill-Counterinsurgency.htm (2 of 43)9/28/2004 6:23:24 AM
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| | Authors: Greenhill, Kelly. |
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DRAINING THE SEA, OR FEEDING THE FIRE
Colombia, among others.
What is odd about the enduring popularity of population resettlement, however, is that despite the frequency of its employment, the historical evidence on its efficacy in counterinsurgency
operations is mixed at best.
Its proponents rightly point to renowned successes in Malaya and
the Philippines in the 1950s as proof of its tactical value. Yet, for each of these oft-cited successes, there have been a handful of equally well-known failures, including both the agroville and strategic hamlet programs in Vietnam. In fact, history suggests that far more often than not, the long-term political (and sometimes, military) costs of using population relocation as a tool of counterinsurgency tend to outweigh the short-term military benefits, if and when even these can be garnered. In fact, examination of counterinsurgency operations over the last century suggests that not only does resettlement frequently fail to successfully sever ties between insurgents and the population, but also quite often it actually catalyzes greater support for—and connections with —rebel groups. This tends to enhance their prospects for success as well as the likelihood that the insurgency will spread and perhaps even spill over borders into neighboring countries. The interactive effects of the ongoing insurgency in Burundi and the outbreak of civil war in the
The continued pervasiveness of population relocation in counterinsurgency operations in the face of myriad failures raises several obvious questions: First, why does it remain such a popular tactic, despite its problematic track record? Second, given that relocation schemes sometimes do succeed, is there a potentially generalizable theory about the conditions under which they will succeed and fail that can explain divergent outcomes? If so, what are these conditions? Or,
alternatively—as some have argued
evidence from a variety of historical counterinsurgency operations—over time and across the globe—this paper proposes two sets of hypotheses to answer these questions and offers some preliminary tests of them. To be clear, this paper should be viewed as a plausibility probe for the hypotheses forwarded. Detailed case studies and/or large-N analysis would be necessary to declare more decisively that these hypotheses are valid and/or proven. To briefly summarize the argument that follows: first, I hypothesize the relocation remains such a popular tactic because, whatever one’s theory of victory—be it what is commonly referred to as the “hearts-and-minds” school of counterinsurgency or the competing so-called the “coercion” or “cost-benefit” school—population relocation often appears integral to achieving it. This is due to the high value both schools place on keeping insurgents and non-combatants apart. Second, I argue that indeed there is a generalizable theory of population relocation that can effectively explain a goodly number of successes and failures. Specifically, I hypothesize that relocation schemes frequently fail because of the problem of “unfulfilled expectations.” Simply put, for
file:///Users/kelly/Desktop/Greenhill-Counterinsurgency.htm (2 of 43)9/28/2004 6:23:24 AM
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