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from each of the main theoretical clusters in the literature, and two of these clusters are
our two main aspects of race policy (Figure 3):
•
The cluster on anti-discrimination policy picks up guaranteeing fair treatment
in jobs and guaranteeing school integration, plus elements of open access to
public accommodation.
•
The only item on race-consciousness is the school busing scale, but it does
function autonomously here: note that busing was the first of the race-conscious
items in these surveys, appearing from 1972 through 1984.
•
The two items on favoring some mix of segregation/desegregation and on
having the right to keep blacks out of the neighborhood now derive from old-
fashioned racism, as theory would suggest.
•
And lastly, ‘symbolic’ racism makes an appearance, courtesy of a single item
on pushing civil rights too fast, which also deserves its independent status in the
best-fit solution.
Not every year can offer all four of these sub-dimensions, even among those years
with multiple items from the overall domain. Indeed, not every year can offer both main
policy sub-domains. Even in these latter cases, however, the knowledge that these are
distinct policy realms, with potentially distinguishable preference structures, allows the
analyst to distinguish those years which offer anti-discrimination only (1952, 1956, 1960,
and 1968) from those which offer race-consciousness only (1980 and 1984) and, of
course, those which actually do offer both (1964, 1972, 1976, 1988, 1992, 1996, and
2000).
Cultural Values
The domain of cultural values may or may not have been more inherently diverse
than the domain of social welfare, international relations, or civil rights. When the focus
is not the theoretical character of the domain but the realms in which its policy
prescriptions might be applied, however, it probably was. (Scammon & Wattenberg
Convention