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I DO Know How She Does It: Kate Reddy and Feminism`s Unfinished Business
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revolutionaries who are prepared to fight for a better way even though they themselves may not directly benefit. In this, there is considerable unfinished business. The Nature of Our Deepest Conflict
Our deepest conflict is multi-faceted and inexorably complex. As author Mona Harrington argues in Care and Equality (1999), the conflict pops up frequently in highly-charged, political mini-crises (e.g. Zoe Baird’s failed nomination for attorney general, the vilification of Hillary Clinton and failed health care reform, the punitive nature of the 1996 welfare legislation, and the Louise Woodward trial—to name just a few), but the true nature of the conflict rarely gets articulated by either conservative or liberal forces. She maintains, and I agree, that the root of the problem lies in our failure to fully acknowledge women’s changing roles over the last century and in the last three decades in particular. Women entered the workforce in substantial numbers throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Although some women have always worked in the labor force, the intersection of second-wave feminism’s push for employment on an equal footing with men with the realities imposed on families by a shifting economy, made women’s move into the paid workforce different this time in both character and magnitude. Women entered at all levels of the occupational and pay scale without any expectation that their employment would be temporary. Simultaneously, women gained admission to higher education and professional programs enabling them to intentionally plan for a career, rather than simply taking a job. With nobody home and no new social institutions to take women’s place in the home, severe social upheaval followed in the wake of their permanent entrance into the workplace. Traditionalists blamed feminists for these new problems, and liberal feminists dug their heels in more deeply committed than ever to achieving the promise of equality for women in all of their new public roles. Women, regardless of whether they were at home or in the marketplace became easy targets for blame, but women themselves did not take the lead in helping society understand and effectively take measure of the changes taking place. Nobody objectively evaluated the situation for what it was—the inevitable and unavoidable collision of the private and public spheres. The crux of our deepest conflict, therefore, can be found in the “massive collision occurring between the country’s need for caretaking and the ancient American promise of equality….we have not devised any equality-respecting system to replace the full-time caretaking labor force of women at home” (Harrington, 1999. pp 16-17). We have an underfunded patchwork system of inadequate care for some, but nothing that approaches the level or quality of care provided by women at home in previous generations. The consequences of inadequate care are evident in a long list of social ills suffered over the last three decades: high rates of divorce, single-parent households mired in poverty, two-income households with too little time for parenting, schools overwhelmed by new duties as surrogate parents, courts full of children and adolescents in trouble, elders without family or community supports, marriages and families stressed by long work hours, and women torn between the demands of the workplace and the needs of their family at home (Harrington, 1999).
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revolutionaries who are prepared to fight for a better way even though they themselves may not directly benefit. In this, there is considerable unfinished business. The Nature of Our Deepest Conflict
Our deepest conflict is multi-faceted and inexorably complex. As author Mona Harrington argues in Care and Equality (1999), the conflict pops up frequently in highly-charged, political mini-crises (e.g. Zoe Baird’s failed nomination for attorney general, the vilification of Hillary Clinton and failed health care reform, the punitive nature of the 1996 welfare legislation, and the Louise Woodward trial—to name just a few), but the true nature of the conflict rarely gets articulated by either conservative or liberal forces. She maintains, and I agree, that the root of the problem lies in our failure to fully acknowledge women’s changing roles over the last century and in the last three decades in particular. Women entered the workforce in substantial numbers throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Although some women have always worked in the labor force, the intersection of second-wave feminism’s push for employment on an equal footing with men with the realities imposed on families by a shifting economy, made women’s move into the paid workforce different this time in both character and magnitude. Women entered at all levels of the occupational and pay scale without any expectation that their employment would be temporary. Simultaneously, women gained admission to higher education and professional programs enabling them to intentionally plan for a career, rather than simply taking a job. With nobody home and no new social institutions to take women’s place in the home, severe social upheaval followed in the wake of their permanent entrance into the workplace. Traditionalists blamed feminists for these new problems, and liberal feminists dug their heels in more deeply committed than ever to achieving the promise of equality for women in all of their new public roles. Women, regardless of whether they were at home or in the marketplace became easy targets for blame, but women themselves did not take the lead in helping society understand and effectively take measure of the changes taking place. Nobody objectively evaluated the situation for what it was—the inevitable and unavoidable collision of the private and public spheres. The crux of our deepest conflict, therefore, can be found in the “massive collision occurring between the country’s need for caretaking and the ancient American promise of equality….we have not devised any equality-respecting system to replace the full-time caretaking labor force of women at home” (Harrington, 1999. pp 16-17). We have an underfunded patchwork system of inadequate care for some, but nothing that approaches the level or quality of care provided by women at home in previous generations. The consequences of inadequate care are evident in a long list of social ills suffered over the last three decades: high rates of divorce, single-parent households mired in poverty, two- income households with too little time for parenting, schools overwhelmed by new duties as surrogate parents, courts full of children and adolescents in trouble, elders without family or community supports, marriages and families stressed by long work hours, and women torn between the demands of the workplace and the needs of their family at home (Harrington, 1999).
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