9
(NPPS) is also not correlated with skin color. For three variables in the NSBA, support for the
null hypothesis appears to be methodological rather than substantive. Questions asking if the
respondent is involved in any groups, how many groups the respondent is involved in, and if he
or she had held office in any group were asked only after one or two filters, thereby making the
sample sizes too small or no longer random.
In general, lighter-skinned Blacks are more connected with groups, unless the “group” is
a labor union where the opposite effect holds or a church where skin color is largely irrelevant.
Combining this pattern with the pattern found for political participation, we can begin to discern
a portrait of the African American public presence. With occasional exceptions, those Blacks
who are most connected with other citizens and most politically active are lighter-skinned than
the average member of their race. Concomitantly, dark-skinned Blacks are less well connected
and less politically involved than the average member of their race. We turn now to the question
of whether this double distortion has any important impact on how African Americans feel about
their connections with the political arena, or on the substance of political outcomes.
Efficacy & Engagement
Given the relationships identified so far, we expect that skin color also affects engagement in
politics and a sense of political efficacy. And it does; lighter-skinned Blacks feel more
politically efficacious, have more knowledge of politics, and express greater interest in politics
compared with darker-skinned Blacks.
-----------------------------
Table 3 here
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Of the 23 variables that fit into this category, 15 indicate a relationship; of them, all but four are
statistically significant and the magnitude of the differences is usually large and linear. Light-
skinned African Americans have more confidence in governmental institutions (GSS), are much
more sure that white candidates seek their vote (NPPS), and are much more likely to show
interest and talk with others about politics (NPPS). Conversely, darker-skinned Blacks are more
likely to agree that voting is useless and more likely to believe that Blacks who attempt to vote
will be intimidated (NPPS). Lighter-skinned Blacks on average can answer one more political
question (out of seven asked) (NPPS). This pattern of results accords straightforwardly with the
results of the first set of variables, which showed that light-skinned blacks participate more in
political activity than do those with darker skin tones. There is one exception to this pattern,
which we cannot explain; dark-skinned blacks are more likely to believe that public officials
work hard to help African Americans.
We identified nine variables asking in one way or another about political engagement or
efficacy that showed no impact of skin color. Three can be dismissed as uninformative results of
poorly measured variables in NPPS.
15
The other five support the null hypothesis, that skin color
is not related to political efficacy and engagement – but they too are not very good questions in
the sense that they produce little variation among respondents. Huge majorities of Blacks in all
skin tone groups agreed that the civil rights movement helped their life chances and that Black
political office holders have helped the cause of Blacks; equally huge majorities talk with Black
leaders and family members about public problems.
15
Over 90 percent of all skin-tone groups reported being urged to vote; and two questions about voter registration
were asked only of nonrandom subsamples of the original (small) sample .
Convention