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Toxic Waste Permits and the Impactof Grassroots Political Activity: The Triumphs and Limits of theEnvironmental Justice Movement |
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Abstract:
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My paper seeks to answer two major questions about the
impact of grassroots political activity. Against what types of
political targets can active communities expect to enjoy success? And
are policy outcomes influenced by the racial / ethnic composition of
the active community?
I seek to answer these central questions in the context of the politics
of environmental justice in California – specifically, the grassroots
political activity directed against the siting, production, and
management of federally regulated (RCRA) toxic wastes in or near
residential communities. Principally, my analysis rests and builds upon
the theoretical frameworks concerning the nature and scope of political
struggles, economic theories of path dependence, and the dynamics of
social and protest movements. With its roots in the Civil Rights
Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, the Anti-Toxics Movement of the 1970s,
and an increasing number of both national and local studies finding
both race and then income to be the most powerful predictors of the
presence of toxic wastes in a community, the Environmental Justice
Movement emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990s with a surge of
grassroots momentum. Over the course of the last decade, the result was
a loosely connected conglomeration of local, grassroots community
organizations and their legal advocates, among whose primary objectives
was and remains, to alleviate and/or eliminate the disproportionate
burden of toxic wastes shouldered by communities of color and
low-income populations.
The subsequent journalist, activist, and scholarly attention devoted to
these grassroots efforts often chose to highlight certain celebrated
battlegrounds of Environmental Justice Movement success (e.g.,
Kettleman City, CA and the Mothers of East Los Angeles in Vernon, CA),
in which heavily-burdened racial and ethnic minority communities
successfully prevented the construction of additional toxic
waste-burning facilities near their residential areas. These studies,
however, have thus far failed to provide a clear understanding for how
generalizable these triumphant examples were, and how they compare to
majority white communities that faced comparable industry foes. Using
an original data set of newspaper content analysis of grassroots
political activity from 1988 – 1999 in the state of California created
for my completed Ph.D. dissertation work, as well as Environmental
Protection Agency data on the granting or denial of the Resource
Conservation and Recovery Act (RCRA) permits required by federal law to
operate toxic waste facilities, this paper seeks to fill this gap in
the
literature by providing a broad view of which communities shouldered a
disproportionate share of the “toxic burden”, and which communities
were indeed able to stifle the flow of toxins into their residential
areas. |
Most Common Document Word Stems:
communiti (201), wast (130), toxic (104), case (104), facil (101), success (90), propos (75), environment (68), exist (67), struggl (65), activ (52), burden (50), minor (49), permit (48), polit (46), site (41), report (40), hazard (38), status (34), justic (32), outcom (32), |
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Association:
Name: The Midwest Political Science Association URL: http://www.indiana.edu/~mpsa/
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Citation:
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MLA Citation:
| Apollon, Dominique. "Toxic Waste Permits and the Impactof Grassroots Political Activity: The Triumphs and Limits of theEnvironmental Justice Movement" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Midwest Political Science Association, Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, Illinois, Apr 15, 2004 <Not Available>. 2009-05-26 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p82764_index.html> |
APA Citation:
| Apollon, D. D. , 2004-04-15 "Toxic Waste Permits and the Impactof Grassroots Political Activity: The Triumphs and Limits of theEnvironmental Justice Movement" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Midwest Political Science Association, Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, Illinois Online <.PDF>. 2009-05-26 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p82764_index.html |
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript Review Method: Peer Reviewed Abstract: My paper seeks to answer two major questions about the
impact of grassroots political activity. Against what types of
political targets can active communities expect to enjoy success? And
are policy outcomes influenced by the racial / ethnic composition of
the active community?
I seek to answer these central questions in the context of the politics
of environmental justice in California – specifically, the grassroots
political activity directed against the siting, production, and
management of federally regulated (RCRA) toxic wastes in or near
residential communities. Principally, my analysis rests and builds upon
the theoretical frameworks concerning the nature and scope of political
struggles, economic theories of path dependence, and the dynamics of
social and protest movements. With its roots in the Civil Rights
Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, the Anti-Toxics Movement of the 1970s,
and an increasing number of both national and local studies finding
both race and then income to be the most powerful predictors of the
presence of toxic wastes in a community, the Environmental Justice
Movement emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990s with a surge of
grassroots momentum. Over the course of the last decade, the result was
a loosely connected conglomeration of local, grassroots community
organizations and their legal advocates, among whose primary objectives
was and remains, to alleviate and/or eliminate the disproportionate
burden of toxic wastes shouldered by communities of color and
low-income populations.
The subsequent journalist, activist, and scholarly attention devoted to
these grassroots efforts often chose to highlight certain celebrated
battlegrounds of Environmental Justice Movement success (e.g.,
Kettleman City, CA and the Mothers of East Los Angeles in Vernon, CA),
in which heavily-burdened racial and ethnic minority communities
successfully prevented the construction of additional toxic
waste-burning facilities near their residential areas. These studies,
however, have thus far failed to provide a clear understanding for how
generalizable these triumphant examples were, and how they compare to
majority white communities that faced comparable industry foes. Using
an original data set of newspaper content analysis of grassroots
political activity from 1988 – 1999 in the state of California created
for my completed Ph.D. dissertation work, as well as Environmental
Protection Agency data on the granting or denial of the Resource
Conservation and Recovery Act (RCRA) permits required by federal law to
operate toxic waste facilities, this paper seeks to fill this gap in
the
literature by providing a broad view of which communities shouldered a
disproportionate share of the “toxic burden”, and which communities
were indeed able to stifle the flow of toxins into their residential
areas. |
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| Document Type: |
.pdf |
| Page count: |
35 |
| Word count: |
9734 |
| Text sample: |
| Toxic Waste Permits and the Impact of Grassroots Political Activity: The Triumphs and Limits of the Environmental Justice Movement Dominique Apollon Department of Political Science Encina Hall 4th Floor Stanford University Stanford CA 94305-6044 dapollon@stanford.edu Abstract Utilizing original data sets on the distribution of federally regulated toxic wastes and of mainstream press reports of grassroots political activity in California from 1988-1999 this paper focuses on the question of what determines the outcomes of community struggles against toxic waste facilities. |
| E.E. 1975. The Semisovereign People - A Realist's View of Democracy in America. Hinsdale: The Dryden Press. Schumaker Paul D. 1975. “Policy Responsiveness to Protest-Group Demands”. The Journal of Politics. 37(2): 488-521. 34 Solid Waste and Emergency Response 1994: National Biennial RCRA Hazardous Waste Report: Based on 1991 Data – LIST OF LARGE QUANTITY GENERATORS. Washington D.C.: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Verba Sidney Kay Lehman Schlozman and Henry Brady. 1995. Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics. Cambridge: |
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