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Keystone State Christianity and Parish Politicking
Unformatted Document Text:  17 concerning the community’s homogeneity in other areas. Regarding evangelical elite cleavage on reproductive rights, Fowler documents an evangelical community that, post Roe v. Wade, possesses a number of dissenting elite voices who advocate a limited “pro-choice” public policy (1987, 77-91). That there appears to be differences on elite abortion position suggests that evangelical Protestant congregations have an inconsistent influence on furthering the “pro-life” position in local culture, especially under statistical examination (Huckfeldt, Plutzer, and Sprague, 1993, 277-379; Huckfeldt et al. 1995, 1044). Interestingly, it is possible that it is not only doctrinal differences that prevent some evangelical elites from taking a strong and ostensible stand on abortion, but also a difference over a perception of responsibility to local ministry. This perception can be influenced as much by personal beliefs among elites as it is by signals from the parishioner community. VonDoepp finds that, at least in certain circumstances, elites can be influenced into refraining from adopting a political dimension in their work. This decision is based, at least partially, on elite anticipation of parishioner objection to the transmission of political cues by their church leaders (2002, 24). Returning to the concept discussed previously, ecclesiastical elites, despite their position of influence, are partially dependent upon their parishioners in terms of accruing religio- political capital. Hence, perhaps not surprisingly, interviews conducted with evangelical elites for this study reveal a mixed perspective regarding the perceived appropriateness of clergy cues. For instance, the ecclesiastical elites at Christ Church Episcopal in Plano, Texas, the initial meeting location of the newly formed Network of Anglican Communion Dioceses and Parishes, though receiving world-wide media attention for their orthodox stance within the more theologically progressive Episcopal Church (USA), intentionally refrain from participating in local and/or national “pro-life” activities (personal interview, 2/11/04). 12 The suggestion here is that Christ Church might reflect the 12 Interview conducted with the Rev. Jeff Rawn, Associate Rector at Christ Church Episcopal, Plano, Texas. Rev. Rawn was reflecting the policies of the Christ Church Rector, the Rev. Canon David H. Roseberry, and the church vestry, not his personal perspectives on the church’s policy. Whether Rev. Rawn elects to engage in influence parishioners and/or local political leaders regarding abortion policy was not discernable in the interview.

Authors: Calfano, Brian.
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17
concerning the community’s homogeneity in other areas. Regarding evangelical elite cleavage on
reproductive rights, Fowler documents an evangelical community that, post Roe v. Wade, possesses a
number of dissenting elite voices who advocate a limited “pro-choice” public policy (1987, 77-91).
That there appears to be differences on elite abortion position suggests that evangelical Protestant
congregations have an inconsistent influence on furthering the “pro-life” position in local culture,
especially under statistical examination (Huckfeldt, Plutzer, and Sprague, 1993, 277-379; Huckfeldt et al.
1995, 1044). Interestingly, it is possible that it is not only doctrinal differences that prevent some
evangelical elites from taking a strong and ostensible stand on abortion, but also a difference over a
perception of responsibility to local ministry.
This perception can be influenced as much by personal beliefs among elites as it is by signals
from the parishioner community. VonDoepp finds that, at least in certain circumstances, elites can be
influenced into refraining from adopting a political dimension in their work. This decision is based, at
least partially, on elite anticipation of parishioner objection to the transmission of political cues by their
church leaders (2002, 24). Returning to the concept discussed previously, ecclesiastical elites, despite
their position of influence, are partially dependent upon their parishioners in terms of accruing religio-
political capital. Hence, perhaps not surprisingly, interviews conducted with evangelical elites for this
study reveal a mixed perspective regarding the perceived appropriateness of clergy cues.
For instance, the ecclesiastical elites at Christ Church Episcopal in Plano, Texas, the initial
meeting location of the newly formed Network of Anglican Communion Dioceses and Parishes, though
receiving world-wide media attention for their orthodox stance within the more theologically progressive
Episcopal Church (USA), intentionally refrain from participating in local and/or national “pro-life”
activities (personal interview, 2/11/04).
12
The suggestion here is that Christ Church might reflect the
12
Interview conducted with the Rev. Jeff Rawn, Associate Rector at Christ Church Episcopal, Plano, Texas. Rev. Rawn was
reflecting the policies of the Christ Church Rector, the Rev. Canon David H. Roseberry, and the church vestry, not his personal
perspectives on the church’s policy. Whether Rev. Rawn elects to engage in influence parishioners and/or local political leaders
regarding abortion policy was not discernable in the interview.


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