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Rongji proposed a multi-pronged strategy to deal with the problem, including continued
transformation of the role of the state, further development of the rule of law and an
enhanced role for monitoring agencies such as the auditor bureau. He also called for
tighter budgetary control over government agencies and further reduction in the number
of permits they issue, an effort that started in 2000. By the end of 2001, most provincial
and major metropolitan administrations had reportedly reduced the number of
administrative permits by 30 to 50 percent.
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However, this process is slow due to
entrenched interests; many observers still see the process of licensing as a labyrinth of
requirements and bribery opportunities. Although Zhu Rongji initiated numerous
reforms, local officials were able to circumvent many of these reforms.
The new administration led by President Hu Jintao has continued the battle against
corruption by laying down stricter regulations against “the exchange of power for
money.” At a January 2002 meeting on governance, the Central Commission for
Disciplinary Inspection (CCDI)—the CCP’s highest anti-corruption agency—announced
eight new regulations for party cadres. For example, senior officials must supervise the
business activities of their spouses and children, and officials at all levels must ensure the
honesty of their subordinates. The new rules also protected the rights of ordinary CCP
members to inform on the assorted economic crimes committed by senior officials such
as ministers and party secretaries. Moreover, the CCDI must within a reasonable period
compile a report on every graft related complaint or petition filed by party members and
other citizens. According to Lam, the CCDI regulations also included the unpublicized
rule that even Politburo members—and similarly high-ranking cadres and elders—are
subject to systematic scrutiny and supervision. Thus, the twenty-four Politburo members,
China's de facto ruling council, have to submit a periodic report about matters including
their financial holdings and those of family members.
In spite of some shortcomings in these new regulations, there are reasons to expect that
the Hu’s leadership might to some extent be more successful than its predecessors in
cracking down on graft. First, like former premier Zhu Rongji, Hu is known to be very
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People’s Daily, 12 March 2002, as cited by Xiaobo Lu.
Convention