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Bargaining for Autonomy: WhyGovernments Make Concessions to Separatists
Unformatted Document Text:  20 Clarify program. 21 This program converts the logit statistics into interpretable probabilities. Using clarify, I estimated the probabilities in Table 5. _________________________ Table 5 about here _________________________ Discussion There are three major claims that I wanted to test in this paper. The first main claim is that the internal structure of self-determination group – in terms of the number of factions they have – is a major determinant of whether the group will get autonomy from the state. The second main claim is that the internal structure of the state – in terms of the number of veto players that have to approve any change from status quo – is a major determinant in whether the state will give autonomy. Finally, I argued that the effect of having many veto players will be mitigated by a large amount of fungible resources. All three of my primary claims are supported to some extent by my empirical analysis. I will address each of my three hypotheses in turn. First, I argued that the relationship between the number of factions and the likelihood of autonomy is negative and possibly non-linear. This is partially supported by the data. In fact, there appears to be a clear negative linear relationship between the number of factions in a self-determination group and the likelihood that they will get autonomy. The results presented above suggest that a change from one to three factions leads to a .29 decrease in the probability of the group getting autonomy. This is consistent with my assertion that states will offer autonomy less 21 Clarify was developed by King, Tomz, and Wittenberg.

Authors: Gallagher, Kathleen.
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20
Clarify program.
21
This program converts the logit statistics into interpretable probabilities.
Using clarify, I estimated the probabilities in Table 5.
_________________________
Table 5 about here
_________________________
Discussion
There are three major claims that I wanted to test in this paper. The first main claim
is that the internal structure of self-determination group – in terms of the number of factions
they have – is a major determinant of whether the group will get autonomy from the state.
The second main claim is that the internal structure of the state – in terms of the number of
veto players that have to approve any change from status quo – is a major determinant in
whether the state will give autonomy. Finally, I argued that the effect of having many veto
players will be mitigated by a large amount of fungible resources.
All three of my primary claims are supported to some extent by my empirical
analysis. I will address each of my three hypotheses in turn. First, I argued that the
relationship between the number of factions and the likelihood of autonomy is negative and
possibly non-linear. This is partially supported by the data. In fact, there appears to be a
clear negative linear relationship between the number of factions in a self-determination
group and the likelihood that they will get autonomy. The results presented above suggest
that a change from one to three factions leads to a .29 decrease in the probability of the group
getting autonomy. This is consistent with my assertion that states will offer autonomy less
21
Clarify was developed by King, Tomz, and Wittenberg.


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