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"Burden-Sharing": The International Politics of Refugee Protection
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Germany) in the post World War II period provides only one example. Partly unwilling, partly unable (as the result of constitutionally imposed constraints) to contribute to military operations by the NATO alliance, the two countries have contributed to alliance efforts through financial contributions rather than through troops or military hardware. In the refugee context, implicit compensatory arrangements between countries also exist, as states who are putting few resources into ‘pro-active’ refugee protection measures (such as peace-keeping/making operations) have sometimes been more active with regard to ‘re-active’ refugee protection efforts (accepting refugees onto their territories), and vice versa.
Conclusion
This paper has shown that public goods analysis offers a number of new insights into the international politics of forced migration and the efficiency/equity of existing refugee protection regimes. It has presented a critique of the standard model of international burden-sharing that is based on the idea of free-riding in one policy dimension and suggested that this model tends to overstate both efficiency and equity problems of existing international burden-sharing regimes. Insights gained from this analysis, and the typology of international burden-sharing mechanisms developed in this paper, might contribute to the ongoing discussion over how to reform regional and global refugee protection systems.
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| | Authors: Thielemann, Eiko. |
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Germany) in the post World War II period provides only one example. Partly unwilling,
partly unable (as the result of constitutionally imposed constraints) to contribute to
military operations by the NATO alliance, the two countries have contributed to alliance
efforts through financial contributions rather than through troops or military hardware. In
the refugee context, implicit compensatory arrangements between countries also exist, as
states who are putting few resources into ‘pro-active’ refugee protection measures (such
as peace-keeping/making operations) have sometimes been more active with regard to
‘re-active’ refugee protection efforts (accepting refugees onto their territories), and vice
versa.
Conclusion
This paper has shown that public goods analysis offers a number of new insights into the
international politics of forced migration and the efficiency/equity of existing refugee
protection regimes. It has presented a critique of the standard model of international
burden-sharing that is based on the idea of free-riding in one policy dimension and
suggested that this model tends to overstate both efficiency and equity problems of
existing international burden-sharing regimes. Insights gained from this analysis, and the
typology of international burden-sharing mechanisms developed in this paper, might
contribute to the ongoing discussion over how to reform regional and global refugee
protection systems.
14
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