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Rational Counterterrorism Strategy in Asymmetric Protracted Conflicts and Its Discontents: The Israeli-Palestinian Case
Unformatted Document Text:  II. A model of the effects of dominant nation repressive counter-terrorism strategies To address this question, this study develops a model accounting for subordinate rival violence. The model begins with the assumption that the security of the dominant nation is a function of the capability and willingness of the subordinate rival to attack its people. (See Most and Starr 1989) 13 The task becomes to specify the linkages between dominant nation counter-terrorism/guerrilla strategy and the will and the capability of the subordinate nation to attack. A. The basic model and basic debates on the relative salience of its elements During episodes of violent competitions in resolve, the willingness of the subordinate rival to attack is based on three elements, its estimates of the costs of dominant nation repression, anger and hatred toward the dominant nation, and resolve/morale (Morgenthau 1949; Rosen 1972). Estimates, however rough and intuitive, of the efficacy of violence in achieving the nation’s political aspirations is a fundamental element of resolve/morale; without the sense that violence can succeed, the subordinate rival will not be willing to suffer the costs of repression. (Mack 1975, 178; Pape 1992, 424, 430) 14 Another basic element of resolve, the changes will only fuel the discontent and thus war-proneness of the subjugated nation, particularly to the extent that it sees its resort to violence as a rational instrument of its national interests. 13 This premise excludes at least two other national-level concerns that may factor into a dominant rival policymaker’s calculations, the quality of relations with third parties, and the possibility of a pretext for engaging the subordinate rival in a nearly all out war so as to destroy the subordinate rival’s domestic authority infrastructure and/or territorial infrastructure. These omissions allow us to focus on the purer basic security calculation. These criteria will be picked up in Part III. 14 Robert Pape, “Coercion and Military Strategy: Why Denial Works and Punishment Doesn’t.” Journal of Strategic Studies 15(December 1992). Pape, concerned primarily but not exclusively with conventional inter-state war, suggests that the feeling of efficacy must be brought to nil before 8

Authors: Friedman, Gil.
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II. A model of the effects of dominant nation repressive counter-terrorism strategies
To address this question, this study develops a model accounting for subordinate rival
violence. The model begins with the assumption that the security of the dominant nation is a
function of the capability and willingness of the subordinate rival to attack its people. (See
Most and Starr 1989)
The task becomes to specify the linkages between dominant nation
counter-terrorism/guerrilla strategy and the will and the capability of the subordinate nation to
attack.
A. The basic model and basic debates on the relative salience of its elements
During episodes of violent competitions in resolve, the willingness of the subordinate
rival to attack is based on three elements, its estimates of the costs of dominant nation
repression, anger and hatred toward the dominant nation, and resolve/morale (Morgenthau
1949; Rosen 1972). Estimates, however rough and intuitive, of the efficacy of violence in
achieving the nation’s political aspirations is a fundamental element of resolve/morale; without
the sense that violence can succeed, the subordinate rival will not be willing to suffer the costs
of repression. (Mack 1975, 178; Pape 1992, 424, 430)
Another basic element of resolve, the
changes will only fuel the discontent and thus war-proneness of the subjugated nation, particularly
to the extent that it sees its resort to violence as a rational instrument of its national interests.
13
This premise excludes at least two other national-level concerns that may factor into a dominant
rival policymaker’s calculations, the quality of relations with third parties, and the possibility of a
pretext for engaging the subordinate rival in a nearly all out war so as to destroy the subordinate
rival’s domestic authority infrastructure and/or territorial infrastructure. These omissions allow us
to focus on the purer basic security calculation. These criteria will be picked up in Part III.
14
Robert Pape, “Coercion and Military Strategy: Why Denial Works and Punishment Doesn’t.”
Journal of Strategic Studies 15(December 1992). Pape, concerned primarily but not exclusively
with conventional inter-state war, suggests that the feeling of efficacy must be brought to nil before
8


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