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Analyzing Transnational Anti-Trafficking Advocacy Networks in Southeast Asia |
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Abstract:
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The problem of human trafficking has become a much more well-known phenomenon, especially after the tsunami hit South and Southeast Asia in December 2004. The media seized on the possibility of displaced and orphaned children being trafficked into forced sexual and labor situations, or being illegally adopted by Westerners. While much of this turned out to be hype, the reality is that human trafficking in Southeast Asia has been a problem for decades, and children have been at especially high risk for being exploited in the sex tourism industry in Thailand, Cambodia, and Indonesia, especially.Over the last five years, anti-trafficking nongovernmental organizations in Southeast Asia, specifically the Mekong Sub-region (Thailand, Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, and the Yunnan Province of China), have developed more sophisticated methods of communication in the global anti-trafficking movement. I argue that this greater confidence in their position is due to the ease by which they are able to communicate across borders through the internet and through international conferences held their region. Their ability to communicate across borders is also facilitated by their knowledge of English. However, although NGOs are gaining their voice, the agenda on how trafficking will be combated is still arguably set by international organizations and donor countries. The examination of the implications of fighting trafficking is just as important as understanding why trafficking happens at all.The goal of the paper is to examine the interaction amongst local nongovernmental organizations, government agencies, international organizations, and donor governments, thereby explaining the existence of a transnational advocacy network to combat trafficking. I have been to Thailand and Cambodia three times for extended periods over the last three years, and one of the interesting findings of my initial empirical research is that the issue of human trafficking is being addressed in multiple arenas, and this is leading to some normative and institutional changes that will hopefully reduce the flow of people into forced labor and sexual servitude. However, the activities of fighting trafficking have also led to unintended negative consequences such as the proliferation of local NGOs to combat trafficking who are motivated more by available funding than by helping victims of trafficking, and also the setting of agenda by international organizations which have little understanding of local issues.How did this issue rise to the top of the international agenda now and why? What is unique about this problem is that it is an issue that cannot effectively be addressed by any single political actor, therefore, how it got onto the agenda of multiple political actors is an important question to ask.I hypothesize that transnational advocacy networks (TANs) between governments and NGOs in the Mekong Sub-region, international organizations, and donor countries began to develop, creating new norms in order to bring about a transnational response to a transnational problem. I would like to examine this process of norm development and norm building among the actors in the TANs. With the work of the advocacy network in promoting norms, we can begin to see institutional changes in Thailand, the U.S. and at the international level. I will rely on constructivism as a foundation for my research. I will specifically be using the TAN literature. For example, Keck and Sikkink?s ?boomerang pattern? is not sufficient to explain why transnational advocacy networks were created between Southeast Asia and the U.S. on this issue. For example, Thai NGOs did not reach out to Western NGOs because access was blocked by their own government per se. In their assessment of the problem, Thai NGOs thought that because Western men were part of the cause of the sex trade in Thailand in particular and Southeast Asia in general, that it was intuitive to contact Western NGOs to get their help. I will utilize primary research methods by interviewing people in person and also through email. I will also rely on reports issued by international organizations which run anti-trafficking projects in the Mekong countries, as well as academic journal articles. |
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Association:
Name: International Studies Association URL: http://www.isanet.org
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Citation:
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MLA Citation:
| Bertone, Andrea. "Analyzing Transnational Anti-Trafficking Advocacy Networks in Southeast Asia" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Town & Country Resort and Convention Center, San Diego, California, USA, Mar 22, 2006 <Not Available>. 2009-05-25 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p100731_index.html> |
APA Citation:
| Bertone, A. M. , 2006-03-22 "Analyzing Transnational Anti-Trafficking Advocacy Networks in Southeast Asia" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Town & Country Resort and Convention Center, San Diego, California, USA <Not Available>. 2009-05-25 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p100731_index.html |
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript Abstract: The problem of human trafficking has become a much more well-known phenomenon, especially after the tsunami hit South and Southeast Asia in December 2004. The media seized on the possibility of displaced and orphaned children being trafficked into forced sexual and labor situations, or being illegally adopted by Westerners. While much of this turned out to be hype, the reality is that human trafficking in Southeast Asia has been a problem for decades, and children have been at especially high risk for being exploited in the sex tourism industry in Thailand, Cambodia, and Indonesia, especially.Over the last five years, anti-trafficking nongovernmental organizations in Southeast Asia, specifically the Mekong Sub-region (Thailand, Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, and the Yunnan Province of China), have developed more sophisticated methods of communication in the global anti-trafficking movement. I argue that this greater confidence in their position is due to the ease by which they are able to communicate across borders through the internet and through international conferences held their region. Their ability to communicate across borders is also facilitated by their knowledge of English. However, although NGOs are gaining their voice, the agenda on how trafficking will be combated is still arguably set by international organizations and donor countries. The examination of the implications of fighting trafficking is just as important as understanding why trafficking happens at all.The goal of the paper is to examine the interaction amongst local nongovernmental organizations, government agencies, international organizations, and donor governments, thereby explaining the existence of a transnational advocacy network to combat trafficking. I have been to Thailand and Cambodia three times for extended periods over the last three years, and one of the interesting findings of my initial empirical research is that the issue of human trafficking is being addressed in multiple arenas, and this is leading to some normative and institutional changes that will hopefully reduce the flow of people into forced labor and sexual servitude. However, the activities of fighting trafficking have also led to unintended negative consequences such as the proliferation of local NGOs to combat trafficking who are motivated more by available funding than by helping victims of trafficking, and also the setting of agenda by international organizations which have little understanding of local issues.How did this issue rise to the top of the international agenda now and why? What is unique about this problem is that it is an issue that cannot effectively be addressed by any single political actor, therefore, how it got onto the agenda of multiple political actors is an important question to ask.I hypothesize that transnational advocacy networks (TANs) between governments and NGOs in the Mekong Sub-region, international organizations, and donor countries began to develop, creating new norms in order to bring about a transnational response to a transnational problem. I would like to examine this process of norm development and norm building among the actors in the TANs. With the work of the advocacy network in promoting norms, we can begin to see institutional changes in Thailand, the U.S. and at the international level. I will rely on constructivism as a foundation for my research. I will specifically be using the TAN literature. For example, Keck and Sikkink?s ?boomerang pattern? is not sufficient to explain why transnational advocacy networks were created between Southeast Asia and the U.S. on this issue. For example, Thai NGOs did not reach out to Western NGOs because access was blocked by their own government per se. In their assessment of the problem, Thai NGOs thought that because Western men were part of the cause of the sex trade in Thailand in particular and Southeast Asia in general, that it was intuitive to contact Western NGOs to get their help. I will utilize primary research methods by interviewing people in person and also through email. I will also rely on reports issued by international organizations which run anti-trafficking projects in the Mekong countries, as well as academic journal articles. |
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Similar Titles:
Human Trafficking on the International and Domestic Agendas: Examining the Role of Transnational Advocacy Networks between Thailand and United States
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