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Direct Democracy and the Political Process: LBG and Christian Conservative Movements in Four States, 1990-2000 |
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Abstract:
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How does the option to use direct legislation (DL, i.e., ballot initiatives and popular referenda) alter the political strategies and mobilization of social movements in the United States? In a qualitative case study of two movements in four states over a period of ten years, I argue that we must refine our understanding of political opportunity structures and procedural democracy. DL, although ostensibly equally accessible to all, does not affect the strategies of the gay/lesbian movement and its Christian conservative opponents in the same way. While Christian conservatives use the DL process when it is available at the state level, the gay and lesbian movement never does. This is partly a function of organizational infrastructure – Christian conservative groups can mobilize both voters and dollars, while gay rights groups must rely upon a combination of a smaller grassroots base and powerful interest-group allies. In addition, this differential use results partly from the strategic opportunities available to each movement – political access has been declining during this period for Christian conservatives, while on the gay rights groups have cemented their alliance with the Democratic party. Furthermore, because DL can function as a tool not just for policy change but also for mobilization, the Christian conservative movement is much more active generally, and concerned with gay rights specifically, in states that have DL. This suggests more profoundly how direct democracy fundamentally affects the mobilization potential of different kinds groups, depending upon their ability to mobilize resources but also their ability to make majoritarian claims. |
Most Common Document Word Stems:
state (178), movement (170), gay (142), christian (112), legisl (110), conserv (104), initi (96), group (93), organ (86), right (79), lbg (75), lobbi (67), main (66), case (64), four (62), california (62), lesbian (60), new (59), law (57), 1990 (54), issu (52), |
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Social Movements, Political Sociology, Direct Democracy, Gay and Lesbian Studies |
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Association:
Name: American Sociological Association URL: http://www.asanet.org
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Citation:
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MLA Citation:
| Camp, Bayliss. "Direct Democracy and the Political Process: LBG and Christian Conservative Movements in Four States, 1990-2000" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Atlanta Hilton Hotel, Atlanta, GA, Aug 16, 2003 <Not Available>. 2009-05-26 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p106988_index.html> |
APA Citation:
| Camp, B. J. , 2003-08-16 "Direct Democracy and the Political Process: LBG and Christian Conservative Movements in Four States, 1990-2000" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Atlanta Hilton Hotel, Atlanta, GA Online <.PDF>. 2009-05-26 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p106988_index.html |
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript Review Method: Peer Reviewed Abstract: How does the option to use direct legislation (DL, i.e., ballot initiatives and popular referenda) alter the political strategies and mobilization of social movements in the United States? In a qualitative case study of two movements in four states over a period of ten years, I argue that we must refine our understanding of political opportunity structures and procedural democracy. DL, although ostensibly equally accessible to all, does not affect the strategies of the gay/lesbian movement and its Christian conservative opponents in the same way. While Christian conservatives use the DL process when it is available at the state level, the gay and lesbian movement never does. This is partly a function of organizational infrastructure – Christian conservative groups can mobilize both voters and dollars, while gay rights groups must rely upon a combination of a smaller grassroots base and powerful interest-group allies. In addition, this differential use results partly from the strategic opportunities available to each movement – political access has been declining during this period for Christian conservatives, while on the gay rights groups have cemented their alliance with the Democratic party. Furthermore, because DL can function as a tool not just for policy change but also for mobilization, the Christian conservative movement is much more active generally, and concerned with gay rights specifically, in states that have DL. This suggests more profoundly how direct democracy fundamentally affects the mobilization potential of different kinds groups, depending upon their ability to mobilize resources but also their ability to make majoritarian claims. |
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| Document Type: |
.PDF |
| Page count: |
79 |
| Word count: |
27728 |
| Text sample: |
| Direct Democracy and the Political Process: LBG and Christian Conservative Movements in Four States 1990-2000 (Chapter 5 of Ballot Initiatives Lobbying and Protest: Direct Democracy and the Institutional Structuring of Political Tactics) Abstract: How does the option to use direct legislation (DL i.e. ballot initiatives and popular referenda) alter the political strategies and mobilization of social movements in the United States? In a qualitative case study of two movements in four states over a period of ten years I |
| $95 744 Large associational donors: Human Rights Campaign (DC): $42 500 Maine Education Association: $10 000 Number of associational donors: 26 Average associational donation: $3 682 Average associational donation (not including those over $10 000): $1802 Opponents: None formally listed Note: Both the Christian Civic League of Maine and the Maine Christian Coalition actively opposed this referendum. However due to a controversy over reporting requirements neither of these organizations filed as ballot measure committees on this measure (Personal communication |
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