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Cooper, Liao, and Luke 1998; Mokdad, Ford, Bowman, Dietz, Vinicor, Bales, and Marks 2003;
Schoenborn, Adams, and Barnes 2002; Denney, Krueger, Rogers, and Boardman 2004). Many of these
studies have cited individual levels of resources, or lack thereof, as the primary mechanisms working to
increase levels of obesity among non-Hispanic blacks. A smaller body of work attempts to explain the
difference from a socio-cultural perspective.
Examinations of socio cultural differences may shed some light on obesity levels. In particular,
subjective perceptions of weight among adults may help to explain increased levels of obesity among non-
Hispanic blacks (Flynn and Fitzgibbon 1998; Hebl and Heatherton 1998). Indeed, Hebl and Heatherton
(1998) report that black individuals might prefer larger body sizes. Kumanyika (1993) has identified obesity
tolerant attitudes among non-Hispanic black women that negatively affect the motivations necessary to lose
weight. Additionally, many research efforts have suggested that there is some sort of cultural group
acceptance of elevated weight among non-Hispanic blacks (Dawson 1988).
Recent research suggests further disparities within black-white perceptions of weight. Studying
undergraduate female college students, DiGioacchino, Sargent, and Topping (2001) found that African
American females had higher current body masses than whites, reported higher desired body masses, and
reported higher body masses perceived to be desired by others. Comparing obese black and white women,
Stevens, Kumanyika, and Keil (1994) found that obese black women were more than twice as likely to be
satisfied with their weight. Although informative, the majority of these socio cultural studies base their
conclusions on relatively small numbers of specified individuals. Additionally, the results from these
studies arise largely from asking respondents to make visual judgments on different body shapes.
Contextual Predictors of Obesity: Guidance from Social Theory and Empirical Antecedents
Living in poverty has negative social and health consequences. Overwhelming evidence suggests
that living in a poor neighborhood has deleterious effects on the people living there (Jencks and Mayer
1990; Jargowsky 1997; Wilson 1987; Haan et al. 1987). At the individual level, much social science
research has demonstrated a direct link between economic resources and health (Williams and Collins 1995,
Rogers et al. 2000). Typically, more income, more education, being employed, and avoidance of poverty all
lead to better overall health. In addition, links have been made with contextual levels of economic
disadvantage and negative health outcomes, negative health behaviors, and eventual mortality (Bond Huie
et al. 2002; Boardman, Finch, Williams, Ellison, and Jackson 2001).
Recent empirical works have accumulated support for theories purporting negative outcomes for
those living in areas characterized by ‘concentrated disadvantage’ (Massey and Denton 1993; Sampson,
Raudenbush, and Earls 1997; Wilson 1987). Concentrated disadvantage within an area includes, among
other indicators, high levels of poverty and high percentages of non-Hispanic blacks. The relationship
Convention