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Frontstage roles can be seen as more ‘formal’ social identities, for e.g. an individual’s
professional role as a teacher. Backstage roles can be seen to refer to domestic or ‘off-duty’
social roles. Impression management is more salient when ‘frontstage’ roles are foregrounded
whereas, the distinction between ‘performer and audience’ is less defined (Coates, 2000): 243)
when orienting to ‘backstage’ roles. As noted above, conversations can be seen as a site in
which we enact our social roles and negotiate audience acceptance of positive self-image.
Goffman has suggested that each individual has a self-image or face that can be ‘lost,
maintained or enhanced and must be constantly attended to in interaction’ (1967: 61). Face
becomes ‘significant in interaction as people work jointly to present and preserve one
another’s public image’ (Trees & Manusov, 1998:564).
Face becomes a salient issue in an interaction when communicative behaviors are
perceived by participants as being face threatening. Certain types of speech forms, insults,
for example, are seen as Face Threatening Acts (FTA’s). As Trees and Manusov note,
‘positive face is threatened by acts that overlook the hearer’s feelings or wants to express
disapproval’ (1998: 566), speakers therefore, are likely to adopt discursive strategies that
will minimize or alleviate face threat within their interactions. In talk that involves critical
evaluation of self or other (Guendouzi, 2001; forthcoming) the issue of face becomes very
salient, particularly when we may be talking about issues of social responsibility such as
‘motherhood’. Conversations relating to the ability to carry out parental responsibilities
may leave speakers open to loss of face, however, it also enables them to compete for
social capital through successfully managing a discursive claim to the social identity of ‘the
good mother’. Therefore, talk about mothering can be a potentially sensitive issue for