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National Security and Freedom of the Press in Hong Kong
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5
Oriental Press Group Limited with its Oriental Daily News and The Sun newspapers and Next Media Limited with the Apple Daily newspaper. The latter newspaper takes an independent, pro-Democracy stance but is not connected with the Democratic Party or any other party in Hong Kong. These and other Chinese-language newspapers dominate the local market, “setting the agenda and framing debates on major issues.”
19
Oriental
Daily News, Apple Daily and The Sun (in that order) attract about 70 percent of Hong Kong’s newspaper readers. The leading English-language daily newspaper, The South China Morning Post, has about 5 percent of the market.
Despite the emergence of a more commercial media, the shadow of political
development on the mainland continued to hang over Hong Kong media, exerting powerful influences in attitude and practice. In the 1980s, after China and the United Kingdom signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration that set the timetable for China’s resumption of sovereignty, journalists began publicly voicing concern about the looming handover’s impact on press freedoms. In the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square pro-democracy uprising that was crushed in 1989, most local journalists felt that the Hong Kong news media needed to “fight to maximize Hong Kong’s autonomy beyond 1997.”
20
But they worried about their ability to do so. As Hong Kong moved closer to the handover, these journalists, who consistently saw their role as watchdogs of government, felt they had little problem criticizing Hong Kong’s local political leaders but were much more hesitant about criticizing the Chinese government.
21
Yet for cultural, political, historical and nationalistic reasons, Hong Kong’s media
clearly have an interest in covering the mainland in ways they did not while reporting on the British government. With the resumption of sovereignty, the mainland becomes much more important for a Hong Kong audience. Its mere proximity facilitates news coverage. Going north over the border for stories has become a regular occurrence for Hong Kong reporters.
Until recently, only foreign media were allowed to maintain bureaus on the
mainland. But in 2001, PRC authorities announced that Hong Kong media organizations could establish bureaus too. So far, the English-language South China Morning Post is the only local newspaper to do so. It originally opened its Beijing office as a foreign bureau in the 1990s before the handover; it now also maintains bureaus in Shanghai and Guangzhou, all overseen by the Hong Kong Macao Affairs Office. Several television outlets – including TVB and iCable – also have sought and been granted permission.
22
19
Chan, Yuen-ying, “The English-Language Media in Hong Kong,” Hong Kong English: Autonomy and
Creativity, Kingsley Bolton (ed), (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2002), p 103.
20
Chan, Lee, Lee, “Hong Kong Journalists: A Summary of the Survey Findings,” Chinese University of
Hong Kong, 1990, p 5, s 8.2.
21
So, Clement; Chan, Joseph Man, Lee, Chin-Chuan, “Press Freedom and Political Transition in Hong
Kong: A Summary of the Hong Kong Journalist Survey 1996,” Chinese University of Hong Kong, s 4.1.
22
“The Line Hardens: Tougher Stance on Civil Rights Threatens Freedom of Expression in Hong Kong,”
Joint Report of the HKJA and Article 19, June 2002, p 8.
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| | Authors: Weisenhaus, Doreen. |
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5
Oriental Press Group Limited with its Oriental Daily News and The Sun newspapers and
Next Media Limited with the Apple Daily newspaper. The latter newspaper takes an
independent, pro-Democracy stance but is not connected with the Democratic Party or
any other party in Hong Kong. These and other Chinese-language newspapers dominate
the local market, “setting the agenda and framing debates on major issues.”
19
Oriental
Daily News, Apple Daily and The Sun (in that order) attract about 70 percent of Hong
Kong’s newspaper readers. The leading English-language daily newspaper, The South
China Morning Post, has about 5 percent of the market.
Despite the emergence of a more commercial media, the shadow of political
development on the mainland continued to hang over Hong Kong media, exerting
powerful influences in attitude and practice. In the 1980s, after China and the United
Kingdom signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration that set the timetable for China’s
resumption of sovereignty, journalists began publicly voicing concern about the looming
handover’s impact on press freedoms. In the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square pro-
democracy uprising that was crushed in 1989, most local journalists felt that the Hong
Kong news media needed to “fight to maximize Hong Kong’s autonomy beyond 1997.”
20
But they worried about their ability to do so. As Hong Kong moved closer to the
handover, these journalists, who consistently saw their role as watchdogs of government,
felt they had little problem criticizing Hong Kong’s local political leaders but were much
more hesitant about criticizing the Chinese government.
21
Yet for cultural, political, historical and nationalistic reasons, Hong Kong’s media
clearly have an interest in covering the mainland in ways they did not while reporting on
the British government. With the resumption of sovereignty, the mainland becomes much
more important for a Hong Kong audience. Its mere proximity facilitates news coverage.
Going north over the border for stories has become a regular occurrence for Hong Kong
reporters.
Until recently, only foreign media were allowed to maintain bureaus on the
mainland. But in 2001, PRC authorities announced that Hong Kong media organizations
could establish bureaus too. So far, the English-language South China Morning Post is
the only local newspaper to do so. It originally opened its Beijing office as a foreign
bureau in the 1990s before the handover; it now also maintains bureaus in Shanghai and
Guangzhou, all overseen by the Hong Kong Macao Affairs Office. Several television
outlets – including TVB and iCable – also have sought and been granted permission.
22
19
Chan, Yuen-ying, “The English-Language Media in Hong Kong,” Hong Kong English: Autonomy and
Creativity, Kingsley Bolton (ed), (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2002), p 103.
20
Chan, Lee, Lee, “Hong Kong Journalists: A Summary of the Survey Findings,” Chinese University of
Hong Kong, 1990, p 5, s 8.2.
21
So, Clement; Chan, Joseph Man, Lee, Chin-Chuan, “Press Freedom and Political Transition in Hong
Kong: A Summary of the Hong Kong Journalist Survey 1996,” Chinese University of Hong Kong, s 4.1.
22
“The Line Hardens: Tougher Stance on Civil Rights Threatens Freedom of Expression in Hong Kong,”
Joint Report of the HKJA and Article 19, June 2002, p 8.
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