Lara Rusch ~ 9
One more approach to thinking about this quandary comes from ethnographic
research on community organizing. Similarly to Brown’s findings, Mark Warren (2001)
explains how community organizing groups in Texas have benefited from the
hierarchical structure of the Catholic Church: when bishops support an organizing project
such as IAF affiliates in Texas or MOSES in Detroit, many priests are encouraged to
involve their congregations. Community organizing networks nationwide (including
MOSES in Detroit) have benefited from grants by the Catholic Campaign for Human
Development.
But Mark Warren describes another phenomenon that is as much about the
different uses of religious authority within a congregation, as the hierarchical structure
affecting all congregations of the same denomination. He suggests that, “in a surprising
way, the authority of the parish priest often makes lay leadership in IAF efforts more
likely.” Catholic pastors are appointed and do not compete for positions. Therefore they
are usually open to lay parishioners taking on roles in community leadership (197).
Warren summarizes that across denominations, the combined authority of “faith
traditions and pastoral direction play key roles in generating collective action, in
motivating lay leaders and mobilizing supporters” (210).
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Drawing on examples from interviews and participant observation, I first build on
Warren’s research by analyzing how denominational differences seem to be relevant to
community organizing practices, and therefore how their navigation is necessary for the
translation of social into political capital. I argue that within both Catholic and Baptist
5
Warren points out that Verba and associates focus on skill development in individuals nationally, and
therefore of course are “not looking at processes of political engagement and mobilization within church
communities.” Warren argues that scholars should consider those community dynamics in order to
understand how to expand democratic participation.
Convention