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Family Legacy: How Male and Female Candidates Present Their Families of Origin to Their Communities
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Abstract
In this paper, I utilize content analysis to assess how candidates to the Congress and for
governor convey information to potential constituents about their families of origin on their websites, and how those portrayals may differ by gender, as well as office sought, party, and seat status. I hypothesize that women will be less likely than men to emphasize their families of origin, given the historical dependence of daughters, and find that women, in fact, are less likely than men to mention their families of origin and their roles as “daughters,” though differences are not dramatic. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to refer to their family of origin roles of “daughter” and “son,” and women in the most competitive races, those for open seats, are less likely than similarly situated men to emphasize their roles as daughters or sons, as well as being less likely than women running either as challengers or incumbents to do so. Qualitatively, candidates of both genders and parties use references to their families of origin strategically, to take credit for achievement of the American dream and emphasize American ideology of working class experience and values, immigrant experience, public service, political upbringing, and issues. Few qualitative differences by gender emerged, yet those that did are telling, in that women are more likely than men to use references to their families of origin to connect to military experience, and men were twice as likely as women to use their families of origin to indicate personal integrity, both of which are considered weaknesses of their respective genders. I argue that candidates can shape the narratives of their families of origin in any number of ways, but they tailor their messages strategically.
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| | Authors: Sacco, Jennifer. |
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Abstract
In this paper, I utilize content analysis to assess how candidates to the Congress and for
governor convey information to potential constituents about their families of origin on their websites, and how those portrayals may differ by gender, as well as office sought, party, and seat status. I hypothesize that women will be less likely than men to emphasize their families of origin, given the historical dependence of daughters, and find that women, in fact, are less likely than men to mention their families of origin and their roles as “daughters,” though differences are not dramatic. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to refer to their family of origin roles of “daughter” and “son,” and women in the most competitive races, those for open seats, are less likely than similarly situated men to emphasize their roles as daughters or sons, as well as being less likely than women running either as challengers or incumbents to do so. Qualitatively, candidates of both genders and parties use references to their families of origin strategically, to take credit for achievement of the American dream and emphasize American ideology of working class experience and values, immigrant experience, public service, political upbringing, and issues. Few qualitative differences by gender emerged, yet those that did are telling, in that women are more likely than men to use references to their families of origin to connect to military experience, and men were twice as likely as women to use their families of origin to indicate personal integrity, both of which are considered weaknesses of their respective genders. I argue that candidates can shape the narratives of their families of origin in any number of ways, but they tailor their messages strategically.
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