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"I'm a walking eating disorder": Framing and Collective Identity in Eating Disorder Support Groups.
Unformatted Document Text:  Koski    Page 3   of an eating disorder (Guille and Chrisler 1999).  Those who identify with feminist values are  also less likely to report body dissatisfaction (Martz, Handley and Eisler 1995).  Many clinicians  now argue that eating disorder treatment should encourage the development of a feminist identity  (Sabik and Tylka 2006; Shisslak and Crago 1994; Snyder and Hasbrouck 1996).  At the very  least, eating disorder treatment should discourage adherence to traditional gender roles (Martz,  Handley and Eisler 1995).      Participant observation in support groups reveals that participants do learn and implement  challenges to the gendered social order.  More specifically, participants learn to trust their  experience and to assert themselves in personal relationships.  In addition, participants affirm the  value of emotion, including anger.  Participants do not, however, collectively identify as women  but rather on the narrower basis of a shared disorder.  As a result, support groups do not  contribute to feminist identity development.  Moreover, in failing to provide an alternative basis  for participants’ challenges, support groups in effect create a disincentive for recovery.   Participants must continue to identify as eating disordered in order to enjoy such benefits.   Enabled by frame and disease extension, participants’ come to adopt eating disordered as a  primary identity.  Such findings carry both practical and theoretical implications.  First, this  study yields insights into how we might improve support groups.  Second, these findings suggest  a need to qualify previous research exploring support groups’ mobilization potential and to  explore the role of self-labeling in mental illness.    Data and Methods  This study reflects my experience attending four different eating disorder support groups  in the Chicago area and surrounding suburbs over the course of 10 months.  Each is a “closed”  meeting, meaning that only eating disorder sufferers may attend. 2   My own eating disorder  experience proved an asset in this regard.  While participants were aware of my research  objectives, my role as a researcher was second to that of participant once each participant had an  opportunity to decline consent and the meeting began.  All of the groups are free and open to the  public.  Although lay people typically lead support groups, therapists facilitated half of the                                                    2  Many eating disorder support groups are “open,” meaning that friends, family, and other support people are  welcome to attend.  I have opted to focus exclusively on closed meetings because the presence of family and friends may censor discussion.  Many individuals’ eating disorders are related to family tensions.  Moreover, eating disorders also profoundly affect sufferers’ interpersonal relationships.  Focusing on closed meetings insures that participants feel uninhibited in discussing their experiences. 

Authors: Koski, Jessica.
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background image
Koski 
 
Page 3  
of an eating disorder (Guille and Chrisler 1999).  Those who identify with feminist values are 
also less likely to report body dissatisfaction (Martz, Handley and Eisler 1995).  Many clinicians 
now argue that eating disorder treatment should encourage the development of a feminist identity 
(Sabik and Tylka 2006; Shisslak and Crago 1994; Snyder and Hasbrouck 1996).  At the very 
least, eating disorder treatment should discourage adherence to traditional gender roles (Martz, 
Handley and Eisler 1995).   
 
Participant observation in support groups reveals that participants do learn and implement 
challenges to the gendered social order.  More specifically, participants learn to trust their 
experience and to assert themselves in personal relationships.  In addition, participants affirm the 
value of emotion, including anger.  Participants do not, however, collectively identify as women 
but rather on the narrower basis of a shared disorder.  As a result, support groups do not 
contribute to feminist identity development.  Moreover, in failing to provide an alternative basis 
for participants’ challenges, support groups in effect create a disincentive for recovery.  
Participants must continue to identify as eating disordered in order to enjoy such benefits.  
Enabled by frame and disease extension, participants’ come to adopt eating disordered as a 
primary identity.  Such findings carry both practical and theoretical implications.  First, this 
study yields insights into how we might improve support groups.  Second, these findings suggest 
a need to qualify previous research exploring support groups’ mobilization potential and to 
explore the role of self-labeling in mental illness.  
 
Data and Methods 
This study reflects my experience attending four different eating disorder support groups 
in the Chicago area and surrounding suburbs over the course of 10 months.  Each is a “closed” 
meeting, meaning that only eating disorder sufferers may attend.
2
  My own eating disorder 
experience proved an asset in this regard.  While participants were aware of my research 
objectives, my role as a researcher was second to that of participant once each participant had an 
opportunity to decline consent and the meeting began.  All of the groups are free and open to the 
public.  Although lay people typically lead support groups, therapists facilitated half of the 
                                                 
2
 Many eating disorder support groups are “open,” meaning that friends, family, and other support people are 
welcome to attend.  I have opted to focus exclusively on closed meetings because the presence of family and friends 
may censor discussion.  Many individuals’ eating disorders are related to family tensions.  Moreover, eating 
disorders also profoundly affect sufferers’ interpersonal relationships.  Focusing on closed meetings insures that 
participants feel uninhibited in discussing their experiences. 


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