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"I'm a walking eating disorder": Framing and Collective Identity in Eating Disorder Support Groups.
Unformatted Document Text:  Koski    Page 6   Contrasting the tales of new and veteran members evidences a significant transformation.   Through group participation, sufferers develop an ability to trust in one’s experience, a fortified  sense of self.  Veteran members’ stories of recognition and tales of woe play a key role in  enabling new participants to recognize and name their experience (Cain 1991), as does the mere  power of group affirmation.  Participants’ self-definition challenges a historical legacy in which  society denied women the right to play expert to their own body (Ehrenreich and English 1978).   Challenging “expert” opinion is tantamount to challenging male authority (Brown and Ferguson  1995).  Moreover, in a society that typically doubts women’s ability to trust and label their own  experience, a fortified sense of sense has significant gendered implications.  Trust in one’s  experience is crucial in enabling women to label the many remaining elements of sexism.        Challenging and Changing Relationships  Armed with a fortified sense of self, participants further learn to employ the eating  disorder as a narrative strategy in challenging the distribution of power in many hierarchical  relationships, particularly in marriage and in other family relationships (Hydén 1997).  For one  college-age participant, having an eating disorder enabled her to reject responsibility for  planning family events, a common female responsibility.  Rebecca explained to the group that in  past years, she had been responsible for planning her family’s Easter celebration.  This year, her  grandfather and male cousin called to ask, while she was undergoing inpatient treatment for her  eating disorder, “What are we doing for Easter?”  Rebecca reproduced her reply for the group  with pride and satisfaction: “I don’t know…what are we doing for Easter?”  Both she and her  mother remained resolute.  Neither would agree to plan the celebration.  Rebecca’s eating  disorder provided a basis on which to challenge the gendered distribution of family  responsibilities.  The most striking examples concern participants’ relationships with significant others.   Melanie, a married mother of two, employed the eating disorder, and recovery, in challenging the  distribution of childcare responsibilities.  Consider the following excerpt from my field notes:   Melanie explained to the group that she had started asking her husband to wait up for her two teenagers on the weekend.  She continued to explain that the extra sleep is necessary if she is to properly “take care of [her]self” and, as a result, is necessary for her recovery.  Her husband agreed, leading Melanie to realize: “All I had to was ask.”   

Authors: Koski, Jessica.
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background image
Koski 
 
Page 6  
Contrasting the tales of new and veteran members evidences a significant transformation.  
Through group participation, sufferers develop an ability to trust in one’s experience, a fortified 
sense of self.  Veteran members’ stories of recognition and tales of woe play a key role in 
enabling new participants to recognize and name their experience (Cain 1991), as does the mere 
power of group affirmation.  Participants’ self-definition challenges a historical legacy in which 
society denied women the right to play expert to their own body (Ehrenreich and English 1978).  
Challenging “expert” opinion is tantamount to challenging male authority (Brown and Ferguson 
1995).  Moreoverin a society that typically doubts women’s ability to trust and label their own 
experience, a fortified sense of sense has significant gendered implications.  Trust in one’s 
experience is crucial in enabling women to label the many remaining elements of sexism.      
 
Challenging and Changing Relationships 
Armed with a fortified sense of self, participants further learn to employ the eating 
disorder as a narrative strategy in challenging the distribution of power in many hierarchical 
relationships, particularly in marriage and in other family relationships (Hydén 1997).  For one 
college-age participant, having an eating disorder enabled her to reject responsibility for 
planning family events, a common female responsibility.  Rebecca explained to the group that in 
past years, she had been responsible for planning her family’s Easter celebration.  This year, her 
grandfather and male cousin called to ask, while she was undergoing inpatient treatment for her 
eating disorder, “What are we doing for Easter?”  Rebecca reproduced her reply for the group 
with pride and satisfaction: “I don’t know…what are we doing for Easter?”  Both she and her 
mother remained resolute.  Neither would agree to plan the celebration.  Rebecca’s eating 
disorder provided a basis on which to challenge the gendered distribution of family 
responsibilities. 
The most striking examples concern participants’ relationships with significant others.  
Melanie, a married mother of two, employed the eating disorder, and recovery, in challenging the 
distribution of childcare responsibilities.  Consider the following excerpt from my field notes: 
 
Melanie explained to the group that she had started asking her husband to wait up 
for her two teenagers on the weekend.  She continued to explain that the extra 
sleep is necessary if she is to properly “take care of [her]self” and, as a result, is 
necessary for her recovery.  Her husband agreed, leading Melanie to realize: “All I 
had to was ask.”   


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