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"Fixed" Sentencing Reforms: The Effect on the Racial Composition of Imprisonment Rates Over Time
Unformatted Document Text:            Leymon 22      This study indicates that “fixed” sentencing reforms have had a disproportionate effect on African  American and Hispanic imprisonment rates.  Why this disparity exists is not fully explained in this  analysis.  Previous research has indicated that while the discretion previously held by judges under  indeterminate sentencing may have been removed from the judges under “fixed” sentencing reforms, it  has not been removed from the process.  It is possible that sentencing reforms have inadvertently given  more discretionary power to prosecutors, which might reproduce or exacerbate the racial bias “fixed”  sentencing reforms were intended to address (Kempf-Leonard and Simple, 2001).  Other research has  indicated that African Americans are more likely to be convicted of a relatively minor crime (Marbley  and Ferguson, 2005; Shane-DuBow, 1998).  If true, an increase in black imprisonment rates may be  linked to “fixed” sentencing reforms through their greater emphasis on prior record (particularly for a  drug crimes) as a determinate of sentencing length (Baum, 1996; Inciadi et al., 1996; McShane and  Williams, 1997).  An association between “fixed” sentencing reforms and sentencing for second offense  drug crimes, which disproportionately effect blacks, may lead to higher imprisonment rates.  When this  information is combined with the political desire to ratchet up the penalties on drug crimes, the  connection between race and drug crimes as a driving force of a disparity in sentencing becomes more  plausible.  Future research should focus on determining why guidelines have affected African Americans  and Hispanic imprisonment rates more than the rates for other groups (Gainey et al., 2005).  Analysis with  inclusion of racially disaggregated data for crime rates, poverty rates, and unemployment rates may be  able to shed some light onto other possible effects as well.    After controlling for violent crime rates, drug crime rates, percent black, percent Hispanic, percent  white, poverty rates, unemployment rates, new commitments to prison, and parole violators returned to  prison, sentencing guidelines remain positively associated with imprisonment rates, indicating that  guidelines are directly related to a portion of the nearly 500% increase in imprisonment over the length of  this study.  Legislators should take this finding into consideration when designing guidelines.  The costs 

Authors: Harmon, Mark.
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background image
 
 
 
 
 
Leymon 22 
 
 
This study indicates that “fixed” sentencing reforms have had a disproportionate effect on African 
American and Hispanic imprisonment rates.  Why this disparity exists is not fully explained in this 
analysis.  Previous research has indicated that while the discretion previously held by judges under 
indeterminate sentencing may have been removed from the judges under “fixed” sentencing reforms, it 
has not been removed from the process.  It is possible that sentencing reforms have inadvertently given 
more discretionary power to prosecutors, which might reproduce or exacerbate the racial bias “fixed” 
sentencing reforms were intended to address (Kempf-Leonard and Simple, 2001).  Other research has 
indicated that African Americans are more likely to be convicted of a relatively minor crime (Marbley 
and Ferguson, 2005; Shane-DuBow, 1998).  If true, an increase in black imprisonment rates may be 
linked to “fixed” sentencing reforms through their greater emphasis on prior record (particularly for a 
drug crimes) as a determinate of sentencing length (Baum, 1996; Inciadi et al., 1996; McShane and 
Williams, 1997).  An association between “fixed” sentencing reforms and sentencing for second offense 
drug crimes, which disproportionately effect blacks, may lead to higher imprisonment rates.  When this 
information is combined with the political desire to ratchet up the penalties on drug crimes, the 
connection between race and drug crimes as a driving force of a disparity in sentencing becomes more 
plausible.  Future research should focus on determining why guidelines have affected African Americans 
and Hispanic imprisonment rates more than the rates for other groups (Gainey et al., 2005).  Analysis with 
inclusion of racially disaggregated data for crime rates, poverty rates, and unemployment rates may be 
able to shed some light onto other possible effects as well.   
After controlling for violent crime rates, drug crime rates, percent black, percent Hispanic, percent 
white, poverty rates, unemployment rates, new commitments to prison, and parole violators returned to 
prison, sentencing guidelines remain positively associated with imprisonment rates, indicating that 
guidelines are directly related to a portion of the nearly 500% increase in imprisonment over the length of 
this study.  Legislators should take this finding into consideration when designing guidelines.  The costs 


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