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"Fixed" Sentencing Reforms: The Effect on the Racial Composition of Imprisonment Rates Over Time
Unformatted Document Text:            Leymon 4    a possibility to limit the influence of what they perceived as discriminatory judges (Doob, 2000; Van  Voorhis, Cullen, and Applegate, 1995).  Possibly limiting racial and ethnic disparities in imprisonment    Savelsberg (1992) argues that sentencing guidelines (this may also apply to determinate sentencing  and statutory presumptive sentencing as well) are an ideal representation of what Weber refers to as  formal rationality; indeterminate sentencing, conversely, is a form of substantive rationality.  Both  sentencing procedures are rational as defined by Weber (1978) as they are based in law, giving the  procedures “legalized” validity, but they differ in the application of the laws.  Substantive rationality is a  type of decision-making, which is subject to values and an appeal to ethical norms and does not take into  consideration the nature of outcomes.  Weber further suggests that technologically advanced societies will  actively shift all decision making to a bureaucratically defined formal rationality that removes subjective  values by stressing a technical orientation to procedural process.  These processes are established in well- defined criteria designed to elicit a specific outcome.  "The judge . . . is more or less an automaton of  paragraphs: the legal documents, together with the costs and fees, are dropped in at the top with the  expectation that the judgment will emerge at the bottom, together with more or less sound arguments - an  apparatus, accordingly, whose functioning is by and large calculable or predictable (Weber, 1978: 1395).”        Sentencing guidelines usually consist of a matrix of possible sentences with very narrow ranges  within a sentencing category that are defined by an offender’s criminal history (prior offenses) and  offense severity.  In most cases a judge can only deviate from this prescription by providing a written  explanation of the reasons why he or she would do so (recent Supreme Court decisions have called this  procedure into question).  Met with immediate disapproval from judges, who felt they had lost their  power to fit the offense with appropriate sentences, legislators passed such legislation largely without the  support of the courts (Steffensmeier and Demuth, 2000; Kempf-Leonard and Sample, 2001).  Research  has indicated that on average judges comply with the guidelines 85% of the time, meeting the goals set  forth by sentencing reform commissions and removing discretion from the judge’s hands (Marvell, 1995).  It is important to note that while sentencing guidelines were established in each state under the same  general principles, guidelines’ design and implementation have varied from state to state.  A general 

Authors: Harmon, Mark.
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Leymon 4 
 
a possibility to limit the influence of what they perceived as discriminatory judges (Doob, 2000; Van 
Voorhis, Cullen, and Applegate, 1995).  Possibly limiting racial and ethnic disparities in imprisonment   
Savelsberg (1992) argues that sentencing guidelines (this may also apply to determinate sentencing 
and statutory presumptive sentencing as well) are an ideal representation of what Weber refers to as 
formal rationality; indeterminate sentencing, conversely, is a form of substantive rationality.  Both 
sentencing procedures are rational as defined by Weber (1978) as they are based in law, giving the 
procedures “legalized” validity, but they differ in the application of the laws.  Substantive rationality is a 
type of decision-making, which is subject to values and an appeal to ethical norms and does not take into 
consideration the nature of outcomes.  Weber further suggests that technologically advanced societies will 
actively shift all decision making to a bureaucratically defined formal rationality that removes subjective 
values by stressing a technical orientation to procedural process.  These processes are established in well-
defined criteria designed to elicit a specific outcome.  "The judge . . . is more or less an automaton of 
paragraphs: the legal documents, together with the costs and fees, are dropped in at the top with the 
expectation that the judgment will emerge at the bottom, together with more or less sound arguments - an 
apparatus, accordingly, whose functioning is by and large calculable or predictable (Weber, 1978: 1395).”       
Sentencing guidelines usually consist of a matrix of possible sentences with very narrow ranges 
within a sentencing category that are defined by an offender’s criminal history (prior offenses) and 
offense severity.  In most cases a judge can only deviate from this prescription by providing a written 
explanation of the reasons why he or she would do so (recent Supreme Court decisions have called this 
procedure into question).  Met with immediate disapproval from judges, who felt they had lost their 
power to fit the offense with appropriate sentences, legislators passed such legislation largely without the 
support of the courts (Steffensmeier and Demuth, 2000; Kempf-Leonard and Sample, 2001).  Research 
has indicated that on average judges comply with the guidelines 85% of the time, meeting the goals set 
forth by sentencing reform commissions and removing discretion from the judge’s hands (Marvell, 1995). 
It is important to note that while sentencing guidelines were established in each state under the same 
general principles, guidelines’ design and implementation have varied from state to state.  A general 


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