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"Fixed" Sentencing Reforms: The Effect on the Racial Composition of Imprisonment Rates Over Time
Unformatted Document Text:            Leymon 8    through sentencing differentials in crime classifications and demographic considerations (Alexander and  Gyamerah, 1997; Berndt, 2003; Kramer and Ulmer, 2002; Pettit and Western, 2004).    While overt discrimination against African-Americans was reduced in the criminal justice system by  the due-process revolution and the civil-rights acts of the 1960’s, in-depth research revealed that African- Americans are more likely to suffer pretrial detention, use a public defender, and have a prior criminal  record, all of which indirectly link race and sentencing lengths (Albonetti, 1997; Jacobs, Carmichael, and  Kent, 2005; Steffensmeier and Demuth, 2000; Walker et al. 2000).  Research focusing on other minority  groups is less extensive.  While it is likely that discrimination against other racial groups is present, a lack  of research and consistent findings in the area leaves this question unanswered (Hebert, 1997).    Issues of racial disparities sometimes focus on the South.  The South has a long history of both direct  and indirect racism (Jacobs et al., 2005; Messner, Baller, and Zevenbergan, 2005; Karnig and McClain,  1980).  Studies of the former Confederate states in the period after the Civil War reveal a time dominated  by direct civil violence targeted at African-Americans.  The violence was not limited to, but often took  the form of, lynching.  Lynching was prevalent and nearly exclusive to the South until the 1930’s, when  less overt forms of Southern violence began to replace it.  From the 1930’s to the 1960’s a steady decline  in lynching occurred, and by the mid-1960’s lynching became practically non-existent (Clarke, 1998;  Harries, 1988; Karnig and McClain, 1980; Messner et al., 2005).  Some researchers have theorized that  the history of violence in the South targeted at African-Americans has led to cultural, political, and social  conditions that make the South unique in the study of criminal justice.  Racism and violence are not  limited to the South, but found its most savage and enduring form in the South (Clarke, 1998, Jacobs et  al., 2005).      Some researchers have argued that informal social control in the form of violence targeted at  minorities in the South (i.e. lynching) has simply been replaced by formal state sanctioned controls.  As  overt civil violence in the South steadily declined in the 20 th  century, the use of the criminal justice  system as a form of social control of blacks in the South grew (Clarke, 1998, Jacobs et al., 2005).  The  highest per capita rates of execution occur in the South with African-Americans’ having 

Authors: Harmon, Mark.
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background image
 
 
 
 
 
Leymon 8 
 
through sentencing differentials in crime classifications and demographic considerations (Alexander and 
Gyamerah, 1997; Berndt, 2003; Kramer and Ulmer, 2002; Pettit and Western, 2004).   
While overt discrimination against African-Americans was reduced in the criminal justice system by 
the due-process revolution and the civil-rights acts of the 1960’s, in-depth research revealed that African-
Americans are more likely to suffer pretrial detention, use a public defender, and have a prior criminal 
record, all of which indirectly link race and sentencing lengths (Albonetti, 1997; Jacobs, Carmichael, and 
Kent, 2005; Steffensmeier and Demuth, 2000; Walker et al. 2000).  Research focusing on other minority 
groups is less extensive.  While it is likely that discrimination against other racial groups is present, a lack 
of research and consistent findings in the area leaves this question unanswered (Hebert, 1997).   
Issues of racial disparities sometimes focus on the South.  The South has a long history of both direct 
and indirect racism (Jacobs et al., 2005; Messner, Baller, and Zevenbergan, 2005; Karnig and McClain, 
1980).  Studies of the former Confederate states in the period after the Civil War reveal a time dominated 
by direct civil violence targeted at African-Americans.  The violence was not limited to, but often took 
the form of, lynching.  Lynching was prevalent and nearly exclusive to the South until the 1930’s, when 
less overt forms of Southern violence began to replace it.  From the 1930’s to the 1960’s a steady decline 
in lynching occurred, and by the mid-1960’s lynching became practically non-existent (Clarke, 1998; 
Harries, 1988; Karnig and McClain, 1980; Messner et al., 2005).  Some researchers have theorized that 
the history of violence in the South targeted at African-Americans has led to cultural, political, and social 
conditions that make the South unique in the study of criminal justice.  Racism and violence are not 
limited to the South, but found its most savage and enduring form in the South (Clarke, 1998, Jacobs et 
al., 2005).     
Some researchers have argued that informal social control in the form of violence targeted at 
minorities in the South (i.e. lynching) has simply been replaced by formal state sanctioned controls.  As 
overt civil violence in the South steadily declined in the 20
th
 century, the use of the criminal justice 
system as a form of social control of blacks in the South grew (Clarke, 1998, Jacobs et al., 2005).  The 
highest per capita rates of execution occur in the South with African-Americans’ having 


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