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NGOs, INGOs, and Social Change: Environmental Policy Reform in the Developing World, 1970-1995
Unformatted Document Text:  also include the 1999 “ecological footprint” to account for overall environmental  degradation (logged, WWF 2002).  Although the footprint measure is not time-varying, it  is one of the more well-regarded measures of overall environmental damage available for  a large number of countries (York et al. 2003).   Analysis We first begin with some descriptive evidence regarding the formation of  domestic pro-environmental NGOs over time. The conventional grassroots story begins  with the implicit assumption that domestic mobilization is the primary vector of social  change. Scholars have looked to the student movements, post-war democratic climate,  and the emergence of a liberal, highly-educated middle class for the domestic wellsprings  of modern environmentalism in the United States and Western Europe (Dalton 1993,  1994; Rome 2003). In the developing world, in contrast, domestic associations were rare  until the late 1970s and early 1980s, and they appear in smaller numbers than in the  industrialized Western nations.  The origins of these associations remain overlooked and  weakly theorized, as do their differences in tactics and agendas.  Do environmental  organizations in the developing world follow the same path of those in the United States  and Western Europe, or are their origins indeed different? --- Figures 2 and 3 --- Figures 2 and 3 trace the growth of memberships in environmental INGOs and the  founding of domestic associations in developed and developing countries.  We also 

Authors: Longhofer, Wesley., Schofer, Evan. and Frank, David.
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also include the 1999 “ecological footprint” to account for overall environmental 
degradation (logged, WWF 2002).  Although the footprint measure is not time-varying, it 
is one of the more well-regarded measures of overall environmental damage available for 
a large number of countries (York et al. 2003).  
Analysis
We first begin with some descriptive evidence regarding the formation of 
domestic pro-environmental NGOs over time. The conventional grassroots story begins 
with the implicit assumption that domestic mobilization is the primary vector of social 
change. Scholars have looked to the student movements, post-war democratic climate, 
and the emergence of a liberal, highly-educated middle class for the domestic wellsprings 
of modern environmentalism in the United States and Western Europe (Dalton 1993, 
1994; Rome 2003). In the developing world, in contrast, domestic associations were rare 
until the late 1970s and early 1980s, and they appear in smaller numbers than in the 
industrialized Western nations.  The origins of these associations remain overlooked and 
weakly theorized, as do their differences in tactics and agendas.  Do environmental 
organizations in the developing world follow the same path of those in the United States 
and Western Europe, or are their origins indeed different?
--- Figures 2 and 3 ---
Figures 2 and 3 trace the growth of memberships in environmental INGOs and the 
founding of domestic associations in developed and developing countries.  We also 


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