Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: It is a disputed convention among political scientists that turnout rates are un-related to the direction of the vote. The dispute is alive and well because conven-tional wisdom among many Americans, the popular press, and most office-holders and their advisors and consultants is that increased turnout benefits Democratic candidates. While some scholars have found evidence of a positive relationship between the Democratic vote and turnout, the majority of survey and aggregate data studies of presidential and statewide contests indicate that the relationship is either flat or mildly negative. This study adds some new data that demonstrate that turnout is not a Democratic asset, while outlining the theory that explains why this result is to be expected. A particular contribution of this analysis is the focus on congressional districts from 1972 through 2000. Few studies have pursued longitudinal analyses of turnout within a large num-ber of election districts. The data show an inconsistent relationship between turnout and the Democratic vote, positive in some districts, negative in others, and substantially unrelated in still others. In the range of turnout that is con-ventional for American national elections turnout does not aid Democratic can-didates

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Among the world's wealthiest democracies, the price of a standard basket of goods is higher in countries that employ proportional electoral rules than in those countries with single-member electoral districts. We demonstrate that this relationship between electoral institutions and prices also holds in a diverse sample of all democracies worldwide, from 1972 to 2000. Among all democracies, the long-run price level in SMD systems is lower by nearly 12%. Expanding the sample beyond the OECD reveals a large price gap between rich and poor democracies, but the effect of electoral institutions on real prices is not modified by a democracy’s level of wealth. Finally, we demonstrate that over the past thirty years, at the same time that global real prices with respect to the United States have been falling steadily, the disparity between baseline real prices in SMD and PR countries has twice closed and re-opened.

Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: We test whether the decision to engage in political participation is influenced by the consistency of citizens’ issue preferences across social-welfare and cultural issue dimensions. Using data from the National Election Studies between 1972 and 2004, we demonstrate that those who are either consistently liberal or consistently conservative in their issue attitudes are more likely to participate in a variety of political activities than those who have inconsistent issue preferences or hold moderate policy views. On the other hand, we also show that in regards to voter turnout, the consistency of issue preferences does not seem to be the driving force steering citizens to the polls.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In this paper, we analyze the affect of urbanism and regionalism on tolerance of women and women’s issues using data from the General Social Survey. As in previous research, we find that those who live in urban areas are more likely to have tolerant attitudes toward women, while those who live in the Southern region of the United States are less likely to have similar attitudes. In contrast to Wirth’s theory of converging attitudes over time in these areas, however, we found them to be moving in parallel across all groups. We also found other long-term differences in trends: a reversal of racial differences, a growth in educational differences, and more complicated shifts in age differences. We conclude by discussing possible reasons for the unexpected lack of convergence.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: During the height of authoritarianism in South Korea (1972-1979), Christian activists challenged the State along two dimensions. First, protesting Christians formed formal social movement organizations to better garner the resources to sustain their social movement. Second, they waged a discursive battle that challenged the legitimizing rhetoric of the state. By 1979, Christians developed a social movement industry involving the network of formal organizations as well as systematizing their rhetoric of protest in the guise of a Korean liberation theology; Minjung Theology. Drawing upon archival data and social movement theory, this study traces the origins and evolution of both the Christian social movement industry and Minjung Theology. Findings suggest that the emergence and evolution of mobilizing structures and movement frames were influenced by the state’s repressive apparatuses and legitimizing rhetoric, respectively. Likewise, Christian attempts to mobilize and challenge the legitimizing rhetoric of the state further contributed to the closing of the political opportunity structure. This study highlights the importance of considering the differential impact of repression on not only public protest or collective action but also on mobilizing structures and movement frames.