Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper analyses the relationship between opposition parties and ethnic minority parties in the first years of democratic transition in Romania and Slovakia. I argue that the inclusion of ethnic Hungarian parties within the Slovak and Romanian democratic oppositions was a critical element for the peaceful management of interethnic relations in these two multiethnic new democracies. I suggest that these interethnic opposition coalitions were made possible by the adoption of basic democratic political institutions such as political parties and competitive elections. Thus, contrary to what the existing literature suggests, violent conflict was averted despite the absence of institutions specially designed to manage interethnic relations, despite the exclusion of ethnic minorities from government and despite quasi-majoritarian political environments. More broadly, this paper seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the role of democracy, even in its most problematic forms, in successfully managing conflicting interests.I question the notion that multiethnic countries are unlikely candidates for peaceful democratization and I suggest that as long as participation in democratic processes, either in government or in opposition, is possible for ethnic minorities, violent conflict can be averted.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The idea that immigration increases crime rates has historically occupied an important role in criminological theory, and more importantly has been central to the the public and political discourses and debates on immigration policy. Recently, Robert Sampson and others have questioned whether the increase in immigration between 1990 and 2000 may actually have been responsible for part of the decrease in crime rates during that time period. In the current work, I use pooled time series analyses to examine this possibility.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: How does the option to use direct legislation (DL, i.e., ballot initiatives and popular referenda) alter the political strategies and mobilization of social movements in the United States? In a qualitative case study of two movements in four states over a period of ten years, I argue that we must refine our understanding of political opportunity structures and procedural democracy. DL, although ostensibly equally accessible to all, does not affect the strategies of the gay/lesbian movement and its Christian conservative opponents in the same way. While Christian conservatives use the DL process when it is available at the state level, the gay and lesbian movement never does. This is partly a function of organizational infrastructure – Christian conservative groups can mobilize both voters and dollars, while gay rights groups must rely upon a combination of a smaller grassroots base and powerful interest-group allies. In addition, this differential use results partly from the strategic opportunities available to each movement – political access has been declining during this period for Christian conservatives, while on the gay rights groups have cemented their alliance with the Democratic party. Furthermore, because DL can function as a tool not just for policy change but also for mobilization, the Christian conservative movement is much more active generally, and concerned with gay rights specifically, in states that have DL. This suggests more profoundly how direct democracy fundamentally affects the mobilization potential of different kinds groups, depending upon their ability to mobilize resources but also their ability to make majoritarian claims.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This analysis uses data from the 1990 and 2000 Censuses to explore individual and contextual factors that influence U.S.-born Hispanic adults to maintain Spanish alongside English. Cuban of Puerto Rican ancestry, living with a Spanish-dominant person, having children in one’s household, and working in a service- or health-related job all increase the odds of bilingualism. Contextual incentives – growth in a state’s Hispanic population, bilinguals’ status, and Hispanics’ political influence – also positively influence the odds of bilingualism. By showing a positive relationship between upward mobility, political participation, and bilingualism, my findings suggest that it is possible for Hispanics in the U.S. to maintain selected characteristics of their origin culture while becoming American.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Existing studies of collective identity transformation, particularly those focusing on the national level, describe little about the diffusion of changes between national and local levels of a movement, beyond suggestions that changes in local organizations may filter up to national organization. However, this paper will focus on cases in which there were no precipitating incidents at the local level to explain the timing of collective identity disputes. This presentation suggests that transformations in these larger movements are diffused between national-level and local level organizations via the media and inter-movement organizing, and this transformation is uneven and highly disputed. This presentation will illustrate this process through the example of diffusion of transgender inclusion in the lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) identity movement of the early nineties.