Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Rising anti-American sentiments in South Korea have recently been at the center of much discussion and analysis by scholars and pundits concerned about the deterioration of bilateral relations between the formerly staunch allies. Although differing in their diagnoses, most analyses agree that the current round of anti-Americanism in Korean politics is relatively new and unprecedented, shaped by a confluence of domestic and external factors. The election of President Roh Moo-hyun and his progressive cabinet has directly challenged all corners of Korean politics and society as well as conservative elites. The result has been the unleashing of fierce domestic debates on the future of Korean security, asking Koreans to choose either �alliance or self-reliance.� This shift in Korean attitudes toward the U.S. is also seen as part of a new wave of anti-Americanism throughout the world, a global backlash against the hegemonic influence of the U.S. as the lone superpower with the end of the Cold War.
Either attributed to a case of Korean exceptionalism or U.S. exceptionalism, the current trend of anti-Americanism in Korea is treated as a unique moment in history. In this paper, I argue instead that Korea�s brand of anti-Americanism is actually a manifestation of anti-Great Power-ism, which is not new in the history of Korean politics. In fact, President Roh�s election platform of finding autonomy and self-reliance demonstrates close parallels with the anti-Qing mobilization in turn-of-the-century Korea. Anti-Great Power-ism (anti-sadae) emerged as a potent tool of political mobilization in the late 19th century, when the newly created Reform/Enlightenment Party made their criticism of the existing policy of �revering Great Powers� (sadae) the centerpiece of their attack against the conservative establishment. Even though sadae was originally a pragmatic policy of accommodating the powerful Qing, marking a departure from a cultural-ideological emulation of Ming China, it was stigmatized during 19th century politics as subservient and Great Power-dependent. What we see then is the emergence and recurrence of anti-Great Power-ism as a powerful tool for political challengers in their mobilization against the established regime in Korea. By comparing the progressives� political mobilization processes in the late 19th century and in 2002-2006, I show that today�s anti-Americanism is actually a continuation of anti-China-ism seen from a broader historical perspective.

Publication Type: Session Paper
Abstract: As noted in the goals and perspectives statement that summarizes this panel, a unique ecological condition of modern war and pro-war and anti-war political movements is the rise to power, prominence, and popularity of the Internet in general and instant interactive venues of public affairs discourse like blogs, Facebook, MySpace, and YouTube. Other panelists will concentrate on the use of new media technologies in the service of various iterations of the anti-war cause. I want to look at the opposition to the opposition, specifically to examine the visual persuasion strategy-that is, the use of imagery-via right-wing pro-war or anti-anti-war blogs. Drawing from content analyses, personal interviews, and focus groups, my presentation will

a) present an overall survey of the kinds of anti-anti-war pictures displayed on right-wing blogs during the length of the Iraq war. For example, I will detail the genres that range from "freaky anti-war kooks" to atrocity images attributed to Saddam Hussein

b) report, drawing from interviews and my own analysis, on the strategic and tactical intentions of the anti-anti-war warriors, speculating on motives ranging from outright support of the war in Iraq to a more fundamentally political opposition to any anti-war movement at any time, and

c) present possible reactions to and effects of the anti-anti-war imagery. How do people react to exemplars of the alleged iniquity and perversion of peace activists and the attendant visual display of their "bizarre" behavior?

The main population for analysis will be drawn from anti-anti-war blogs such as zombietime, The Autonomist, Confederate Yankee, little green footballs, and Jawareport. However, I will also cite self-critiques of anti-war imagery within the anti-war movement itself.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In the film �Unconstitutional: The War on Our Civil Liberties� director Nonny de la Pe�a seeks to document how civil liberties are violated by U.S. intelligence agencies and local law enforcement under USA Patriot Act. The film also chronicles international, national and local protests, arguing that since the Bush Administration began to wage its so-called �war on terrorism� after September 11, 2001 a broad-based critique of its policies and practices has emerged. Both the anti-constitutionalism critique and the content of anti-terrorism law form a new power field for the exercise of administrative discretion. This paper examines the particular political meanings produced through the exercise of administrative discretion within the US Department of Justice and the extent to which civil libertarian critiques engage with this new method of escalating executive authority. What are the sociolegal features of the power field produced in this critical engagement?

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Based in part on the methodology developed by Keohane and Katzenstein (2007) and Singh (2006; 2007) this paper begins by exploring the long history of anti-Americanisms in Canada, paying particular attention to its “Liberal” and “Sovereignty Association” variants. The first half of the paper contextualizes the phenomena in Canadian history, but concentrates on manifestations of these two types since the 1990s. I pay particular attention to debates over the NAFTA, continental integration, and the current “war on terror”. The second half examines notions of American “anti-Canadianism”, arguing that examining only one half of the relationship provides a decontextualized picture. If anti-Americanism has been likened to prejudices like racism and anti-Semitism, anti-Canadianism can best be compared to sexism, where American superiority in all things is assumed, and Canada is portrayed as a junior or subservient partner. Canada’s influence in international politics is often downplayed, even ignored. Further, anti-Canadianism, unlike anti-French or anti-German sentiments often denies that Canada has a discernable positive national identity separate from its negation of America. A systematic understanding of both types of biases offers a new perspective on relations along the world’s longest undefended border.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The clash of the Sino-centric tributary world-system and the Euro-centric capitalist world-system structured the �Long Revolutions� of China and the transformation of China as a nation-state within the interstate system.

The military harassment and intrusions, associated with the center�s cyclic decline of the Sino-centric world-system, led to a �long revolution� � an endless series of popular revolts, revolutions, and liberation movements � from the Taiping Revolution through the Boxer Rebellion, the Wuchang Uprising and the Nationalist Revolution, the May Fourth, revolutionary Huangpu and unification, the Long March and the Yenan Way, the War of Resistance, to the Civil War and the establishment of the re-united China under the communist government in the Mainland with Nationalist exile from China to the island Taiwan.