Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The adoption of ASEAN Charter at the 13th ASEAN’s Summit in Singapore 2007 can be seen as an achievement for ASEAN and a significant milestone in the regional integration in Southeast Asia. The Charter provides a stronger legal and institutional basis for

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The adoption of the ASEAN Charter at the 13th ASEAN’s Summit can be seen as a significant milestone in the regional integration of Southeast Asia. The Charter provides a stronger legal and institutional basis for ASEAN in conducting its internal as well a

Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: Regarding the impact of the late 1990s accession of the new members (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam) on Southeast Asian economic integration, the benefits of enlargement are clearly projected in terms of economics rather than politics. As a result of the expansion, a larger regional market, with a nearly additional 300 million people and increased investment, is expected to create a higher level of intra-trade for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The overall trend of intra-ASEAN trade has been increasing since the 1990s due to a potential of economic complementarities between old and new members. However, the lack of domestic infrastructure in the new members, the lack of domestic and transnational transportation within and between members, and lack of regional standardization obviously pose barriers to economic integration. In particular, the weak structure and institution of ASEAN regionalism itself may be one of the major obstacles to regional economic integration that creates ineffective integrative policies after the enlargement.

This paper will argue that even though the existing quantitative-empirical works project a trade creation and economic integration in Southeast Asian region after the enlargement, these works seem to be only a short-term result because of an ignorance of political consideration. The new ASEAN members are likely to prefer a weak and informal regional institution and to support the existing use of the ‘ASEAN Way’ – non-interference policy – due to constraint of their domestic politics and international relations. Also, the weak and informal institution, as we know from the existing literature on ASEAN economic cooperation since the early 1980s, has negatively influenced economic cooperation and integration in the region. Therefore, regarding (1) the preference of the new members to a weak institution and (2) the negative effect of weak institution on economic integration, the impact of ASEAN enlargement could result in maintaining a weak ASEAN institution or even weakening the institution, which leads to an impediment of economic integration in terms of policy coordination. Thus, this paper will illustrate that it is significant to place an institutional factor in the analysis of the relationship between the impact of enlargement and economic integration. In other words, the relationship of enlargement and economic integration should be bridged by an institutional factor, – reflecting a political constraint in economic integration.

Enlargement issue in recent literature on Asian and ASEAN regionalism has focally conducted research in a historical-descriptive style, but lacked a systematic framework to look at the actual impact of enlargement on economic integration. My study proposes to conduct research emphasizing the deepening integration after ASEAN enlargement, and aims to examine two missing points in the literature. First, I will propose a systematic framework to study enlargement based on the institutionalism theory. Second, I will fill in the gap in Asian regionalism literature by investigating the relationships of the impact of enlargement, regional institution, and economic integration in the case of ASEAN.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: We combine regional trade agreement (RTA) and economic diplomacy theory to find ASEAN members’ unidirectional trade directly benefits from ASEAN’s economic diplomacy. Examining ASEAN members’ imports and exports through a gravity equation model reveals that ASEAN’s diplomats are able to pursue more “value-claiming” economic diplomacy strategies than may be expected. Results show a small country may gain through pursuit of economic diplomacy with more value-claiming strategy, as a member of an RTA, against large trading partners.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: It is widely acknowledged that closer bilateral relations between Japan and China are vital in the development of ASEAN+3 and the subsequent formation of an East Asian community, but both nations are often depicted as rivals and their unpleasant relations, mainly caused by the legacy of history, may hamper the development of the ASEAN+3. This paper initially argues that there are signs of improvement in Sino-Japanese relations, providing a foundation for their possible shared directional leadership in the development of ASEAN+3, with a positive effect on its institutionalization. The paper then focuses on the areas to be associated with the ASEAN+3 institutionalisation including: 1) an East Asian free trade agreement (FTA); 2) the establishment of an ASEAN+3 secretariat and the development of the ASEAN+3 leaders' meeting into an East Asian summit; and 3) membership problem between ASEAN+3 and an East Asian community, with a view to illustrating members' different views about the institutionalization of ASEAN+3. This paper argues that the so-called 'ASEAN divide' issue, which causes the more diversified interests in the institutionalization of ASEAN+3, is a major factor affecting Japanese and Chinese leadership interest in the further institutionalization of ASEAN+3. This paper concludes that, while Japan and China have shown their interests in promoting East Asian regionalism, they remain reluctant or even unable to take positive action or shared leadership in the institutionalization of ASEAN+3. It is safe to assert that both nations' decision to take an individual or shared leadership role in institutionalizing ASEAN+3 depends on their careful calculations about ASEAN's interests and their efforts to adjust their own with ASEAN's, an important characteristic of directional leadership. The institutionalization of ASEAN+3 is therefore not necessarily dependent on leaders' willingness, but ASEAN's intention greatly influences it as an independent variable. In other words, it is likely that ASEAN's decision to transform ASEAN+3 from its own organization into an East Asian one, partly through changing the mindset, will be a necessary condition for China and Japan to develop their interest in taking a leading role in the institutionalization of ASEAN+3.