Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: An emerging body of research shows that perceived discrimination adversely influences the mental health of minority populations, but is it also deleterious to physical health? If yes, can marriage buffer the effect of perceived discrimination on physical health? We address these questions with data from Puerto Rican and Mexican American residents of Chicago. Multivariate regression analyses reveal that perceived discrimination is associated with a greater number of physical health problems for both Puerto Rican and Mexican Americans. Marriage has health-protective effects, however, for Mexican Americans only. In addition, an interaction effect between marital status and perceived discrimination was observed for Mexican Americans: married Mexican Americans who reported higher perceived discrimination had fewer physical health problems than their unmarried counterparts. The findings reveal that perceived discrimination has deleterious effects on physical health of both Puerto Rican and Mexican Americans, but that the buffering effect of marriage exists for Mexican Americans only.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The international monetary power of leading states may be limited by the countervailing strategies of follower states. At least at the core of the contemporary system, follower states appear able to construct and maintain effective political buffers. It is likely that their principal objective is maximize their policy autonomy, their room for maneuver, with regard to external markets from which they seek to benefit but which they cannot control. To illustrate how leader-follower dynamics make such buffers necessary, and to uncover reasons for apparent diversity in the nature of particular buffering mechanisms, brief case histories of post-1945 exchange-rate policymaking in Canada and Austria are presented and compared. The empirical puzzle of why two similarly situated states typically favored very different kinds of exchange rate regimes is addressed.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Viktor Yushchenko?s victory in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election was heralded by Western leaders and analysts as a democratic revolution that would profoundly change Ukraine?s pro-Russian strategic orientation to a profoundly pro-Western one. The attempt by Russian President Vladimir Putin to influence the outcome of the election by supporting Viktor Yanukovych was interpreted by Western leaders and analysts as evidence that the presidential election was indeed a geopolitical contest. This analysis, however, represents more the geopolitical wishes of Moscow and Washington regarding Ukrainian membership in the EU and NATO than it does a sober assessment of the political realities of Yushchenko?s victory over Yanukovych. Most notably, the Orange Revolution was a product of the widespread perception of political and economic corruption during the Kuchma era. If a perceived Russian threat was not the primary motivation for the revolution, then there is a danger that Yushchenko?s coalition will fracture over attempts to fundamentally reshape Ukrainian-Russian strategic relations, much like the pro-independence coalition did in the early 1990s. In order to even contemplate EU membership, Yushchenko?s coalition will need to win the 2006 parliamentary elections. Yet, evidence strongly suggests that Europe is not ready for Ukraine and Ukraine is not ready for Europe. Moreover, Yushchenko?s pledge to decide the question of NATO membership in a popular referendum may ensure the defeat of that change in Ukraine?s strategic orientation. Anti-West and pro-Russian conceptions of the Ukrainian national identity will likely impede a fundamental reorientation of the country?s national security strategy. Thus, it is likely that at best Ukraine can be a democratic bridge between East and West and, at worst, it will revert to a de-facto buffer against the West as a new pro-Russian political leader arises from Eastern Ukraine to outflank Yushchenko in the 2006 parliamentary or 2009 presidential elections.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Although rape shield laws prohibit the defense from introducing evidence pertaining to the past sexual history or character of the victim, these laws do not always serve their intended purpose. Defense attorneys may ask questions that are directly correlated with these concepts in an effort to paint a negative view of the victim. Even if such questions are challenged and overruled, the jury has already been exposed to the information. However, the victim does have the right to introduce a victim impact statement (VIS) during the sentencing phase of the trial. Although the process varies across jurisdictions, the VIS typically contains information pertaining to the impact of the offense on the victim including physical, financial, and mental harm. It is possible that the presentation of a VIS may correct the character damage associated with violations of the rape shield. This presentation will focus on an analysis of the rape shield legislation and their efficacy in protecting the victim. The literature concerning VIS will also be presented as a potential safeguard against violation of these laws. Finally, the impact on the jury will be examined through a review of the literature examining various social psychological constructs such as the social value of the victim and cognitive-experiential self-theory in jury decision making.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Those concerned with the geography of crime have long noted that the
buffer zones (areas of non-offending surrounding offender residences) and
median trip distances are smaller for journeys made in connection with
violent as compared to property crimes. Yet buffer zones and trip
distances are generally treated as uniform phenomena when considered
within crime types. This is misleading. The current study examines 3,238
trips by convicted Danish burglars at six types of residential property.
The results suggest that the standard findings concerning buffer zones and
crime trip distances are largely driven by data from burglaries at
one-family houses. Crime trips to apartment dwellings exhibit no buffer
zones whatsoever and limited trip distance (both attributable to rich
target backcloth), while trips to farm houses and country houses exhibit
extensive buffer zones and extended trip distances (attributable to both
limited target backcloth and, in the latter case, methodological biases
introduced by vacationing burglars). This study is unique in terms of
overall data quality and property-specific sample sizes. While the results
are not particularly startling in hindsight, they indicate a need for
caution in connection with the reification of notions like "buffer zone"
and "average trip distance."