Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The purpose of this study is to explore selective bias of news media toward organizational crisis responses in a political crisis. Based on the illegal fund raising crisis during the 16th presidential election in South Korea, the current study compared news coverage of one news media (a progressive predisposition) with news releases of two political parties (government party vs. opposition party) in terms of crisis response strategies by using Benoit�s image restoration theory. The findings showed that the opposition party�s crisis response covered by the news media were different from those of news releases provided by its own party. On the other hand, the government party�s crisis response covered by the news media accorded with its news releases. Thus, a political disposition of both two parties and the newspaper contributes to the selective news coverage on party�s crisis responses in a crisis, which is called �selective bias.�

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The 2008 financial crises that started in US and rapidly spread around the world have caught our attention for many different reasons. Its proportion have made lots of people compare it to the 1929 great depression, even saying that this one might be worst, since it had strong impact in almost whole world.



The concern about its consequences and the development of policies aimed to deal with it has become the top priority of a large number of governments and even the US presidential elections.



The 2008 US elections was dominated by security issues such as the wars carried out by United States , but that panorama suddenly shifted with the crisis breakout. As the crisis worsen, the US and others administrations have quickly started to take some emergencial measures to tackle the financial crisis. The measures per se and the way that they were negotiated and adopted resemble to others crises in US history, security crises.



Following this path the present article aims to study the 2008 financial crisis as a security crisis. Laying a theorical starting point on the well discussed expansion of the concept of security, where each sector has its goals and dangers, we will set the ground for the second fase of the work. The second part of the research aims to develop a model that approximates the actions taken by the US administration to manage this present financial crisis with other actions directed to securities endeavors. Finally we will develop some considerations toward that comparison, expecting to help in drawing new perspectives of this phenomenon.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Though the threats vary in both immediacy and severity, war is a dangerous endeavor for leaders at home. During war, leaders operate under high levels of stress, in a time-constrained environment, with limited and sometimes inaccurate information, and under the weight of a burdensome responsibility for the welfare of others. In the case of the United States, this cumbersome responsibility whether accurately attributed or not, is most often placed squarely on the president’s shoulders. During a time of crisis, a rhetorical mis-step by the president can often mean death knells for the reigning administration and political party in public opinion polls. From another standpoint, a president who approaches a crisis situation strategically may vastly increase his presidential powers, solidify his position in history, and garner support from the citizenry. It is commonly argued within the fields of presidential studies and foreign policy analysis, that wars instigate conditions under which the personality and decision-making styles of leaders influence policy outcomes (Greenstein 1967; Barber 1972; Holsti 1976; Suedfeld and Tetlock 1977; Hermann 1980a, 1980b, 1983, 1984; Preston 1997). At-a-distance personality assessment techniques, such as Leadership Trait Analysis, utilize spontaneous speech (for example interviews, press conference question and answer sessions) to expose pertinent personality variables such as belief in ability to control events, conceptual complexity, need for power, distrust of others, in-group bias, self-confidence, and task orientation. Once uncovered, these variables can be constructed into a leader personality profile which may predict decision-making behaviors such as the degree to which a leader respects constraints in the international environment, his or her openness to information, his or her motivations, and advisory structure preferences (Hermann 2003; Preston 2001; Schafer 2000). For the purposes of this paper, however, I am not positing that the personality traits of leaders influence international crises or that these factors can be measured at-a-distance techniques; these arguments have already been well established by numerous scholars in the field (Hermann 1980a, 1980b, 1983, 1984; Preston 1997; Dyson 2006). Of primary concern for this research design is the consistency in and persistence of personality traits that is inherently assumed with assessment through at-a-distance methods. These assumptions are particularly concerning when evaluating the validity of the variable in-group bias. While it may be safe to assume consistency and stability in a leader’s conceptual complexity over-time, it is widely acknowledged that rhetorical strategy shifts to accommodate a dynamic political environment. For this reason, the in-group bias found in a leader’s rehearsed rhetoric will also shift. Tetlock (1991) posits, “Policy-makers may say things in public that they would privately acknowledge to be simplistic, naïve, and even demagogic. Shifts in public statements over-time more often reflect shifts in impression management goals and tactics than they do shifts in ways of thinking (p.50).” The argument set forth in this paper asserts that any planned rhetoric will be inconsistent in measures in-group bias over-time due to the changing demands of the war-time political environment and the related constituency (which for this paper is the American public). This argument is buttressed by the impression management literature (Schlenker 1980; Schlenker and Weingold, 1992; Tetlock 1981a; Tetlock 1981b; Wayne and Liden, 1995; Wallace, Suedfeld, & Thachuk 1993) which claims that when speaking to a heterogeneous audience (or an audience with varying viewpoints and levels of support), political rhetoric techniques shift. Specifically, I will use Leadership Trait Analysis to reveal changes in the in-group bias of managed presidential rhetoric (non-spontaneous rhetoric) made during the war-time presidencies of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Lyndon B. Johnson, and George Walker Bush. These measures will be analyzed, and thusly compared using time series analysis.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: An analysis over the airspace crisis in Brazil. An overview of the airspace public policy core based in a non-projection of predictions and careless of the public policy and the consequential events that generated a airspace crisis in Brazil.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The majority of scholarly and everyday discourse posits globalization as the defining characteristic of the twenty-first century. Although it is an essentially contested concept most attribute globalization with transforming as well as creating new economic, political, cultural, and social relations, which affect every person on the globe. In this reconfiguring global capitalism has become the dominant global economic structure and reorganized "production, finance, and consumption" (Robinson, 2006a: 1). Capitalist globalizations unbridled demand for growth and profit has led to numerous problems including crises of overaccumulation and sustainability. In the search for profits transnational actors work to commodify every facet of social life and capitalist relations have come to govern everything including people�s relationship with the environment. Dimitris Stevis (2002, 2005) and other scholars (see Kamal Pasha & Blaney, 1998) suggest that �the time is ripe to place environmental and other social entities within the political economy� (Stevis, 2005: 330). In response to Stevis's call, this paper examines how water scarcity is a global crisis that must be studied within the broader crisis of sustainability caused by global capitalism. In the process it investigates the efforts to privatize water and transform it from a common resource and human right to an economic good.