Publication Type: Proceeding

Publication Type: Proceeding

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In a theory of descriptive representation, the composition of the representative body more closely reflects the sociodemographics and experiences of the citizenry. Proponents of this type of representation assert that those elected officials who share similar demographic and experiential characteristics of their constituencies carry with them the sufficient empathy to evaluate and construct representative policy, e.g. women are more likely and are better able to construct policy that benefits women. A fundamental premise of the pro-descriptive representation argument is that parliamentarians will process political information, i.e. think, in accordance with their demographic and experiential characteristics. Analyzing the attitudes underlying the action of representatives such as building descriptive representation policy and other legislative initiatives beneficial to disadvantaged groups is a foundation for understanding whether descriptive representatives are more likely to think and act as expected. I use data of parliamentarians in the Polish Sejm, the Polish Parliamentarian WebSurvey 2005, to qualitatively and quantitatively analyze the attitudes of women, farmers, lower class, young, and old parliamentarians toward descriptive representation for gender, social class, and generations. I find that (a) parliamentarians from a disadvantaged background are more likely to support descriptive representation as an abstract ideal but that demographics are not as important in support for voluntary party gender quotas and (b) party ideology plays a significant role in attitudes toward descriptive representation in theory and praxis. Theoretical considerations and directions for future research conclude the paper.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) and the Social Norms Approach (SNA) both stress the important influence that normative perceptions have on behavioral intentions and behavior. These 2 approaches were used to examine the behavioral intention to limit drinking to 0 to 4 drinks. Further, this study examined whether perception of subjective norms, university and U.S. level descriptive norms, and university and U.S. level injunctive norms represented separate dimensions for this behavioral intention. A representative sample of 1110 college students completed a web-based survey. The results confirmed that the 5 types of norms were all unique constructs. This study also found that individuals’ intentions to limit their alcohol consumption to 0 to 4 drinks were predicted by positive attitudes, perceived behavioral control, and subjective norms. Subjective norms also moderated the relationship between attitudes and behavioral intention. University descriptive norms also served as a moderator. This study has important implications for future normative interventions.

Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: The fiftieth session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women explored the continued efforts by national governments to increase the participation of women in various levels and processes of decision-making and power. True and Mintrom (2001) suggest that a majority of the world’s governments have now instituted mechanisms for mainstreaming gender into national policy. Some argue that in large part, this progress is due to women’s transnational advocacy efforts. However, to what extent have these advocacy efforts been diffused into the ongoing policy contestation around the emerging international regime for the global governance of information and communications technologies (Krasner, 1986, 1991; Cowhey, 1992; Cogburn, 2003; Braman, 2004)? This paper explores the participation of women in transnational policy networks and epistemic communities active in global policy formulation for information and communication technologies taking the first phase of the UN-Sponsored World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) and its various preparatory processes as a case study. We examine three key questions: (1) to what degree did women participate in the WSIS processes?; (2) do women differ from men in their participation in transnational advocacy networks and epistemic communities active in WSIS; and finally (3) are the policy preferences of women in WSIS different from men? The paper uses a descriptive analysis of international survey data (N=322) and participant observation. Much to our surprise, we find that on each of these three questions, there are very few differences between the male and female delegates participating in the WSIS processes. The paper concludes with suggestions for a growing research agenda that may enhance the character of multi-stakeholder policy processes.