Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This research project develops the theoretical question of gender role conformity for gay and lesbian individuals and its relationship with the hegemonic principles of heterosexuality, and the social background and interactive characteristics influencing the adoption of mainstream “sex-typical” relationship behavior. Within the context of the GLBT movement, the concept of conformity is theorized as a de-mobilizing force that threatens the viability of the movement and the development of a distinct cultural identity and the continuation of sexual differánce. Empirically, this research design examines the relative levels of holistic “equality” across monogomous gay/lesbian relationships. Traditionally, researchers have argued that gay/lesbian couples experience a higher level of relationship equality, and more specifically, to a greater degree within lesbian dyads. I argue that most explanations of this phenomenon tend to essentialize “sex” to the extent that it is often cited as the prime way to comprehend this variation. This research attempts to dispell this fallacy by testing the relative effects of numerous social background and familial characteristics, as well as an individual’s gender identity on the outcome of relationship equality.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The Yalta Conference marked the beginning of the creation of the post-war cold-war structure while the Korean War defined the boundaries of the US and USSR spheres, the interstate relationship and balance of power in East Asia.

It was in this geopolitical setting, the US help to re-industrialize Japan, and made Japan the regional center of accumulation on one hand, and blockaded the PRC and forced China to become a Maoist ‘mercantilist’ state, which de-linked from the division of labor in the capitalist world-system. It was also in the same geopolitical setting, China was pushed by the US and pulled by the USSR to form a close Sino-Soviet alliance and accelerated industrialization of heavy industry in the centralized First Five-Year Plan by importation of Soviet technology and Soviet technical support of engineers and managers on one hand, and proceed land reform and collectivization on the other.

The Sino-Soviet conflicts left no choice for China but to adopt the further self-reliance policy, which took the form of decentraization, large-scale mass mobilization, collectivism, radical utopianism, and absolute egalitarianism.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: A serious criticism of deliberative democracy is that its practical focus is minimal. There have been responses to James Bohman's (1996, ix) complaint, Everyone was talking about deliberation, but no one was saying what it is or how it could work under real social conditions, but not many. There are still few conversations between the theoretical proponents of deliberative democracy and its practitioners (Baber and Bartlett 2001). Most theorists seem unconcerned about the practical applications of deliberative democracy and have restricted their concern to the normative value of deliberative democracy, leaving the practical realm out of their focus of inquiry. Another major drawback of scholarship in this area has been the limited focus of deliberative democracy on Western societies. Most theorists do seem to accept foundational assumptions that would seem to limit the unstudied applicability of their theories to societies that are relatively wealthy, homogeneous, well-educated, and culturally Western (Gupte 2003). Habermas, for example, concedes that Western societies are most suitable for realizing his conception of communicative action (Habermas 1989). Is deliberative democracy, then, an ideal that only Western societies can aspire to achieve? Our paper examines the practical applications of deliberative democracy by investigating a community conservation experiment in rural India. This case tests the feasibility of deliberative democracy in a small village community in a developing country-- a poor, semi-literate, hierarchical tribal community with deeply ingrained gender traditions and social divisions. Despite this, the village has been actualizing the norms of deliberative environmental democracy. We ask whether wealth, literacy, and social equality are indeed prerequisites (necessary but not sufficient conditions) for deliberative democracy to function effectively. Should theorizing about deliberative democracy be more robust?

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: If the moral requirements of equal respect for the autonomy of all persons dictates some kind of an egalitarian distributive principal domestically, then presumably it dictates some kind of an egalitarian principle globally. After all, the requirement contains a universal quantifier. In this paper I defend the claim that duties of justice are associative duties and that the global association gives rise to distributive duties that are egalitarian at the level of basic principle. Additionally, I examine and reject recent arguments that legal coercion is required for egalitarian distributive duties. These arguments are intended to drive a wedge between domestic and global egalitarianism. Finally, I examine and reject a Nozickean type of argument that associations do not yield duties of justice.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The political economy literature provides evidence on ethnic diversity as an important determinant of economic growth. This essay extends some propositions to try to assess whether ethnic diversity affects the commitment to welfare spending.