Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Public opinion plays as strong role in creation and implementation of public policies. Important political issues animate stronger public sentiments, bringing in more public attention to the issue and greater presure on the policy makers. At the given moment, the EU integration process is one of the most important political process in South-East Europe. On the other side, in the political and public debate of the EU the question of further enlargement raises a substantial attention. The aim of the paper is to take a case study of one country and to explore how does the public opinion influence the process of EU integration of that country. The country taken for testing will be the Republic of Macedonia. The influence of the public will be explored at two levels, firstly:- How does the public in Macedonia influence the process of EU integration of the Republic of Macedonia?and secondly:- How does the public in the EU influence the process of EU integration of the Republic of Macedonia?For the analysis of the public opinion in the Republic of Macedonia toward the issue of EU integration materials from the data base of the Institute for Democracy "Societas Civilis" (IDSCS) in Skopje will be used. IDSCS conducts regular public opinion polls on behalf of the Secretariat for European Issues of the Government of the Republic of Macedonia. The published surveys and analysis can be found at www.sei.gov.mk. In the paper data from 2004 to 2006 will be used for the analysis.For the analysis of the public opinion in the EU toward the issue of EU integration materials from the data base of the Eurobarometer surveys will be used. Eurobarometer is a compilation of surveys conducted in all EU Member States on the same set of questions. The published surveys and analysis can be found at www.eu.int. In the paper data from 2004 to 2006 will be used for the analysis.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: One of the key innovations of this research has been to address questions about the role of the professionals of security management at the transnational level. The communication will suggest a different way of looking at the contemporary situation in thi

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The promotion of order in the Balkans (within the context of a larger European context) has been the central policy concern of states and international organizations since the early 1990s. The existence and the persistence of the conflict seemed to challenge the new possibilities for security and stability in Europe. It is very much in response to the Balkan crises that the EU had to develop its order-promotion identity. In the wake of the Kosovo crisis this identity was transformed into committed policy-making both towards the region as well as its larger external relations. This was reflected in the understanding that the countries of the Balkans no longer represented a distant abroad but potential candidates. This shift of policy suggests that the accession, association and partnership activities of the Southeast European states can extend the EU's order to the region by initiating the development of a nascent security community in the region. The justification for such supposition derives from the history of trust-promotion among the member states of the EU. The establishment of order in the region is made out in the promotion of security community practices in Southeastern Europe through the socialization by and in EU-initiated activities. It is significant that at the current stage, the EU involvement in the Balkans is actively engaging regional state elites in activities that intend to bring their decision-making in line with promoted standards. Therefore, the current state of affairs in Southeastern Europe can be described as the establishment of an elite security community. It is a type of a nascent security community that promotes a framework for strategic interaction between the EU and Balkan state elites, through which the EU advances its interests and values, while building regional consensus on the objectives of policy-making. The EU's power of attraction (i.e. coercion) maintains a broad agreement on the fundamental rules of such contractual relations. The interaction among elites within this context promotes the transfer of Euro-Atlantic standards to their policy-making. In such pattern of relations, Balkan state elites are bounded by the norms of prescribed behavior (which includes regional cooperation) or risk punishment. Thus, the experiences from following prescribed patterns of behavior inform the decision-making process and modify its framework towards expected habits and policy outcomes.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: There is growing interest in comparative studies of EU and US federalism and its implications for environmental policy. US and EU approaches to atmospheric pollution issues, such as acid rain and climate change have been the subject of various studies and have pointed to the different approaches of the US and the EU towards common air pollution problems. This paper will examine policy making styles towards air pollution problems in federalist systems. Of particular interest is how an expanding EU may influence the policy approaches of the EU towards air pollution problems and will consider whether an enlarged EU will lead to greater convergence between EU and US approaches to air pollution issues or will instead, reinforce the divergent approaches of these federal systems towards problems such as acid rain and climate change.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold war, Society is undergoing fundamental changes, facing a transformation regarding the forms of organized violence. The classical internal/external distinction in the international is blurred by new forms of governmentality in the Western world. The concept of security has to take in account those changes, as we are witnessing a merging of internal and external security.
Beyond the changes occurred, among the security agencies, which are redefining their roles, several terms and concepts appeared in order to labellize the social practices related to the regulation of conflicts : preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping, peace enforcement, peace building, statebuilding, civilian and military crisis management or even human security, are different labels used by several actors.

However, all the actors using those concepts agree on one element: All those terms take place in a security continuum, where conflicts are not just limited to the military fightings. According to this perception, the best way to handle conflicts is to adopt a multidimensional and long-term perspective. The release of the 1992 UN Agenda for Peace, reflects this idea, by arguing that the conflicts has to be solved through an encompassing perspective including the mobilization of civilian and military means. This perspective is still very influent.
The post Cold War era has witnessed the multiplication of internal conflicts instead of the classical interstate wars, to which were dedicated all the classical tools aimed at their apprehension. Thus, interstate wars have been replaced by 'New Wars' According to Mark Duffield, the literature on the 'New wars' sees 'conflicts in terms of having causes that led mechanically to forms of breakdown' . Conflicts are seen 'as a form of social regression '.
In this context, this paper aims at apprehending those issues through the recent development of a so-called EU Crisis Management and the growing EU-UN cooperation in this very field.
In order to handle this issue, the paper will firstly discuss the notions of crisis and crisis management, by emphasizing on the strong influence of biology and the metaphor of the body, which are very useful to understand the discourses related to conflict resolution and the regulation of global governance.
The paper will then proceed in presenting the field of crisis management, inspired by Didier Bigo's work on security. A brief discussion on the notion of normality in the international system will follow. The third sections will focus EU crisis management and its structuration as the 'EU added value' as an international actor.
The last section aim's is to demonstrate the fact that EU's Crisis management is not as 'European' as it seems, by emphasizing the influence of UN post-cold war conflict resolution methodology. More than an European invention, EU Crisis management is mostly a 'europeanization' of UN inspired concepts.