Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper examines a neglected aspect of the deterrence argument. Most empirical tests of deterrence theory over the last thirty-five years have primarily focused on the certainty, severity, and publicity of punishment with considerably less attention being given to the issues of celerity. Unfortunately, the vast majority of studies ignore celerity, although theoretically, celerity is viewed as being equally important as certainty, severity, and publicity. Specifically, this paper will assess the deterrent effect of the celerity of executions on homicide rates.
The empirical research assessing the deterrent effect of the death penalty has rather consistent findings spanning several decades for a non-deterrent effect. However, studies that fail to examine all of the various dimensions of the theory may be biased since the dimensions of deterrence theory are hypothesized to be contingent upon one another. Thus, although important strides have been made to test various dimensions of deterrence theory, studies that fail to find a deterrent effect of the death penalty may be flawed as a result of not including measures of celerity. Using multiple measures of celerity, this research assesses the deterrent effect of the celerity of the death penalty on homicide rates in states with capital punishment.

NOTE: I prefer to present in a standard panel.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Debates continue about just how much the public is polarized on partisan grounds when it comes to political issues. Most research focuses on social and cultural issues, but Layman and Carsey’s (2002) theory of "conflict extension" suggests that such issues may be only one indicator of this polarization. Using data from the 2005 Annenberg surveys, we compare how the mass public and elites in both the legislative and executive branches view the issue of executive power (President’s powers in foreign policy and relative to Congress). Our analysis is important because it examines whether the public is polarized not only on social policy but also on broader issues of governance and political power. The debate over presidential power is especially salient given the context of the War on Terror and the Iraq War. Our work also tests theories of elite socialization by assessing whether executive elites are united on issues of executive power or whether they divide along partisan lines. On the whole, we find that partisan polarization among the masses and elites is quite high and that the masses are just as polarized as elites. Our work contributes to debates about both polarization in politics and views toward executive power.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In the league tables of annual executions different states take different ranked positions over time. While for a long time Texas and Florida vied for first place, Virginia then moved in and now we see Oklahoma becoming more prominent. What explains this movement? I have collected data from each state which has executed since their post Furman reinstatement and notice that between the sentencing and executions of the condemned there appears to be a process of refinement of the individual state’s death penalty machine. As this refinement proceeds, increasing numbers of sentenced individuals become caught up in particular phases which function as bottlenecks. When the bottleneck is resolved, the group which was caught up move through as one, producing the formation of cohorts, and eventually a spate of executions in a short period of time. After that, the death penalty machine functions much more smoothly, and executions appear to decline. While they do in numbers, this should not be interpreted as a lesser commitment to capital punishment, but rather a settling into a routine. I would like to present my data and look forward to discussing it with participants.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The prominence of female candidates in the 2008 presidential election forces scholars to revise and reinterpret the norms of presidential leadership. This project applies a gender analysis to the U.S. presidency. In evaluating the masculinity of the presidency as both a barrier to female leadership and a constraint on presidential wives, I argue that gender valuing creates unequal power relations and a perpetual gendering of the executive office. I perform a detailed content and contextual analysis of media coverage of the top Democratic presidential candidates and their spouses over eleven months in the primary, testing hypotheses regarding candidates’ and spouses’ role evolution and constraint in public discourse. The masculine norms and expectations steeped in the executive office are evident in my quantitative and qualitative findings. Coverage of Hillary Clinton cautions scholars to temper their optimism of a transgendered executive, as her candidacy was often viewed as a masculine-dominated partnership with her husband, former President Bill Clinton. While the media points to female spouses’ newly empowered role, they perpetuate expectations for wives to engage in traditional acts of spousal reflection and self-sacrifice.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Ineffective relationship between the executive and legislature has presented serious obstacles to democracy in Korea. The current stage of democratization in Korea requires the reorganization of political institutions under the semi-presidential system. The goal of this paper is to examine how Korea has reorganized executive-legislature relations since democratization began and to ascertain what form of executive-legislature relations would better serve Korea. I hypothesize that Prime Minister could be a key player for the effective executive-legislature relationship because his position is suitable for dispersing President’s power as well as for normalizing parliamentary politics, which is essential for the effective relationship between two institution. To test this hypothesis, 3,406 bills sponsored by executive agencies from 1988 to 2007 (13th -17th National Assembly) are analyzed. I anticipate that the Prime minister is able to play a key role for presidential success on the National Assembly when the president delegates real powers to Prime Minister and he/she is a favorable person of National Assembly