Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Multiple literatures suggest that the following factors may figure prominently in explanations of women’s increasing empowerment: (1) socioeconomic development; (2) rising gender-egalitarian attitudes that transform economic development into a cultural process of human development; (3) historical legacies stemming from a society’s cultural and political traditions; and (4) institutional design factors. This study is the first to compare the influence of these factors across four aspects of gender equality, equality gains in basic living conditions, participation in civic actions, positional empowerment and political representation. Our measure of cultural modernity is the single most important explanation across all aspects of gender equality with socioeconomic factors and institutional design factors exerting influence on one or two aspects. Historical legacy factors fail to show up as important explanatory factors for any aspect of gender equality.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper examines the beliefs of four Chinese leaders, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, using operational code analysis. The belief systems of these leaders reflected in their particular perspectives towards security concerns as seen from their public speeches is an interesting way to examine Chinese foreign policy making and practice, thereby providing some understanding of the kind of power China will become and the possible Chinese actions and reactions in some regional hot spots. China is a rising power, and general international relations theory predicts that rising powers are doomed to clash with the hegemon or the declining power. However, besides material power a state’s motivations and intentions also matter in its foreign policy decision-making. Therefore, when assessing whether China will become a stabilizing or a destructive force in regional security affairs, intentions as reflected in a state leader’s beliefs are important in predicting state behavior. The findings in this paper suggest that Chinese leaders’ cultural underpinnings are defensive. Therefore, despite the power changes, China may not initiate conflicts under most conditions.

Publication Type: Proceeding

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: How does the option to use direct legislation (DL, i.e., ballot initiatives and popular referenda) alter the political strategies and mobilization of social movements in the United States? In a qualitative case study of two movements in four states over a period of ten years, I argue that we must refine our understanding of political opportunity structures and procedural democracy. DL, although ostensibly equally accessible to all, does not affect the strategies of the gay/lesbian movement and its Christian conservative opponents in the same way. While Christian conservatives use the DL process when it is available at the state level, the gay and lesbian movement never does. This is partly a function of organizational infrastructure – Christian conservative groups can mobilize both voters and dollars, while gay rights groups must rely upon a combination of a smaller grassroots base and powerful interest-group allies. In addition, this differential use results partly from the strategic opportunities available to each movement – political access has been declining during this period for Christian conservatives, while on the gay rights groups have cemented their alliance with the Democratic party. Furthermore, because DL can function as a tool not just for policy change but also for mobilization, the Christian conservative movement is much more active generally, and concerned with gay rights specifically, in states that have DL. This suggests more profoundly how direct democracy fundamentally affects the mobilization potential of different kinds groups, depending upon their ability to mobilize resources but also their ability to make majoritarian claims.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: A large debate has erupted in recent work on social movements about the role of the state in protest, with some advocating alternative approaches to the study of social movements, such as a focus on institutional authorities. Using data on four types of online protest (petitions, boycotts, and letter-writing and e-mail campaigns), acquired using an innovative new methodology that produces a generalizable sample of online protest actions, this paper addresses this debate. We find that, while the state is a frequent target of online protest, a significant portion of protest activity targets other institutional authorities. Our analyses disaggregate the state and distinguish between types of institutional authorities, further deepening the understanding of both state and non-state actors. In addition to informing the existing debate over the definition of social movement activity, our data suggest an association between tactical forms and their targets. Finally, by using Internet data, this paper contributes to an under-studied area of social movement research: online protest.