Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This Paper addresses the role of Criminal Law regarded essentially as communication, according to Günther Jakobs’s formulations on penalty. It focuses on the strengths and flaws associated with Jakobs’s theoretical framework and on the critique that may be leveled at his work from Klaus Günther’s theory on the assignment of responsibility in a Democratic State.
Jakobs brings original ideas to the field of Criminal Law doctrine, as he proposed a communicative conception of penalty, unrelated with its effects of “social psychology” – a position that he was unable to carry forward in his late works.
It is Klaus Günther who would be able to point to a communicative formulation of Criminal Law’s role in society. The concept of communication that he draws from Habermas allows him to recognize a social meaning conveyed through the imputation of responsibility itself. Responsibility hence gains autonomy as it is no longer regarded as a mere prerequisite for enforcing the punishment.
Based on this assumption, Günther sets the link between responsibility and democracy, as he claims that it is the citizens, through participation in the democratic decision-making processes, who should be able to decide on the criteria and rules governing imputation of responsibility. Furthermore, Günther does something innovative for the debate on Criminal Law policies: he shows that there is no intrinsic connection between imputation of guilt and penalty. As the latter is turned contingent, new possibilities are open for thinking on the proper role of Criminal Law in the face of violation of legal rules.

Publication Type: Poster
Abstract: This qualitative study examined female executive’s experiences as protégés in informal mentoring relationships. Points of mentoring that provided career assistance as were identified, as were career hindrance. The gender of the mentor was also discussed, as was her/his role as a psychosocial vs. career mentor.

Publication Type: Invited Paper
Abstract: "Large Ideas Which Never Got Down to Earth or Finance": W.E. B. Du Bois, carter G. Woodson & the Encyclopedia Africana, 1909-1963

Publication Type: Individual Paper
Abstract: In September 1865, John N. Fennell, the overseer of Monte Video plantation tried to stifle threats of insurrection. He requested help from Union troops to squelch a challenge from laborers organized and led by Charles C. Jones Jr. former slave driver, Cato. On nearby Arcadia plantation, laborers abandoned the fields in search of employment opportunities elsewhere. By the end of October 1865, the overseer reported that like their laborers, the cotton had all disappeared. The post-emancipation conduct of former slaves serves as an important frame of reference for delineating how they created meaningful structures of resistance out of what Clifford Gertz termed “wells of significance.” In low country Georgia, these “wells of significance,” consisted of elements of culture, which African Americans created and re-created both during their enslavement and after slavery ended. In this context, one of the most important developments in the history of diasporic societies in the Western hemisphere has been the extent to which persons of African descent have identified politically and culturally with Africa. The development of political and cultural consciousness provided the ideological foundation for the emergence of black (community) nationalism and its multiple manifestations. The concept of black nationalism is a trans-Atlantic phenomenon. It developed in response to the slave trade and slavery and is predicated on the idea of racial unity. Black nationalism overrides differences among people of African descent through political unification. In this context, political unification refers to the belief that the entire race has a collective destiny, comparable to that of a nation. In this context, Black nationalism and the formation of oppositional communities were a part of the same historical continuum.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to analyze the receptiveness of the Brazilian foreign policy to the domestic pressures in the case of the Brazilian positions at the G-20 in the WTO. We will investigate the weight that has the position of the governmental and non-governmental actors in the process of formulation and implementation of the Brazilian foreign policy. The position of the country, in the G-20, as well as the proposals presented, is related with the internal process of construction of the negotiating position and also with the limits that the logic of the negotiations establishes. Incorporating part of the literature on Foreign Policy Analyses, the objective of this research is to identify the domestic determinants of the Brazilian positions in the G-20. The final objective of the paper is to understand if the Brazilian foreign policy, when dealing with subjects that express diversity of domestic interests, as in the case of the country performance in the G-20, is receptive to the domestic demands, and, if this process results in a representative external action, considering the diversity of interests in the Brazilian society and also an action less concentrated in the bureaucratic agencies directly involved in the negotiation process.