Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The research is driven by an empirical puzzle with theoretical implications. In recent years, international Jewish donor organizations have been increasingly providing financial support to Palestinian social movements and NGOs in Israel (PAI NGOs). At the same time, the over all Jewish donations to Israel have been in an ongoing decline. This phenomenon is particularly puzzling because it occurs during a period of heightened Palestinian-Israeli tensions and several of the recipients are strong critics of the Jewish character of the state, its Zionist ideology, and its policies vis-à-vis its Palestinians citizens and the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. Many have been acting as advocates of the Palestinian national cause and promoting Palestinian national claims within Israel. What is more, the process involves large organizations from the mainstream of the diaspora Jewish establishment in North America as well as smaller family foundations. Are they ?helping the enemy??The study has theoretical implications. Under what conditions will diasporas provide financial support to an antsgonistic ethnic national minority in the homeland? Both studies of the international dimension of ethnic conflict and diaspora studies typically focus on the ways in which diaspora communities assist their co-nationals. Conventional theories are silent on the reasons why a diaspora would assist the ?other? during periods of tensions and antagonism. Furthermore, existing research is divided over which factors best explain the motivations of, and forms of action undertaken by, diasporic activists, and more broadly transnational, advocacy networks. All structural constraints being equal, some suggest that the desire to diffuse norms and ideas generates transnational civil society mobilization. Others focus more on strict interest-based strategizing. Thus, addressing the puzzle of the exceptional case of international Jewish foundations can assist in providing a more nuanced understanding of trans-state diaspora activism.The study assesses a number of possible explanations to the empirical puzzle, some driven by interest-centric theories, others by ideational underpinnings. The first explanation posits that the Jewish donors are anti-Zionists and donate to PAI organizations because they support them in their struggle against the Jewish state. A second possible proposition focuses on communal interests. Donations to PAI NGOs are intended to strengthen the Jewish state and weaken the PAI, possibly through instigating PAI NGO dependence on donating patrons, in turn, allowing control of minority activism. The ideational-centric explanations, on the other hand, posit norms and identity at the center of analysis. One proposition is that the donors believe the Jewish state should adopt or enhance a more liberal character, as opposing to its existing strong communitarian and security-minded tendencies. A second ideational-driven possibility pertains to the image the donor community has of itself and to questions regarding its identity. Financial support of Palestinian NGOs can be interpreted as a reaction to an identity-crisis whereby, the Jewish community tries to reconcile two concomitant, tension-laden tendencies. On the one hand, the diaspora Jewish community, has traditionally had liberal leanings, yet it has also had strong ethno-communitarian commitments for which it has recently been criticized.The study evaluates these explanations, demonstrates their weaknesses, and offers an alternative that combines norms and interests. The argument is that the relationship between the Jewish state and the PAI should not be seen as a zero-sum game. According to this alternative approach, communal interests cannot be identified by objective indicators, contrary to the assumptions made by rational choice accounts. Rather, interests are strongly related to the normative social environment in which groups operate. Donors believe that strengthening the PAI minority strengthens Israel as a whole. In addition to enhancing civic norms in Israel, the development of the PAI facilitates the minority?s integration into Israel?s society, provides the group with a democratic, non-violent channel for pursuing communal interests and, hence, it is favourable to Israel?s security. Thus, the donors are motivated by both liberal ideals and a concern for Israel. The final section of the paper discusses the implications of the findings to theories of diaspora studies. The study relies on a variety of methodological techniques. Interviews and communication with donors and PAI NGO activists are combined with an examination of organizations' platforms, publications and reports, documented communications between donors and local activists, and the more general behaviour and activism of the donating and recipient parties in historical perspective. Survey data is also used.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper questions the legitimacy of diaspora involvement in homeland politics by scrutinising its claims of representation. I examine theories of political representation, identify a core criteria, and apply these to diasporas.

Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: This paper examines the relationship between the federal government and the state and local governments in the time period 2001 - 2005 using the 9/11 attacks and Hurricane Katrina as endpoints. The paper shows that some of the poor fedreal response to Hurricane Katrina could have been predicted by information in the ICMA Homeland Security Survey conducted in spring 2005. The paper concludes with a series of propositions about the current state of federalism in the field of homeland security police.

Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: This research project seeks to understand the scope and sources of ethnic and other political identities among U.S. residents of Chinese descent whose families originated from the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and elsewhere in Asia. In what ways, to which extent, and why do Chinese Americans from various homeland origins identify themselves politically in the United States? Informed by past research on ethnic identity formation and political transnationalism, this research analyzes a large-scale public opinion survey of Chinese in Southern California to report the contours and sources of political identities and their relationship to homeland origins, transnational ties, and adaptation experiences in the Unites States, while controlling for the influence of sociodemographic factors. By measuring homeland influence with socialization context and by distinguishing among various socialization contexts and types of transnational practices, the findings provide important modification to the scholarship on immigrant assimilation and transnationalism.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Hurricane Katrina laid bare the inabilities of state and local governments to handle immobile citizens—children, the elderly, ill and disabled persons in hospitals, and institutionalized individuals—in emergency situations. This research, based on a mail survey of a wide array of Florida county and city officials conducted in the Spring of 2007, examines how local government officials have incorporated immobile special needs populations and the agencies that serve them into their emergency management plans (natural disasters; terrorist acts). The study concludes that there is still a lack of attention to children and the disabled and an absence of established networks with private sector agencies serving these populations. The research demonstrates the usefulness of controlling for the type of jurisdiction, population size, and the type of position held by local government officials in gaining a better understanding of how these factors influence vulnerability assessments. We find significant differences in assessments among first responders and their more generalist counterparts. In general, those individuals serving in first responder capacities were more likely to identify the spectrum of population vulnerabilities as of “major” importance to emergency planning efforts. First responders are more familiar with the challenges associated with managing immobile populations and are therefore more likely to prioritize their importance when it comes to emergency preparedness. In addition, first responders in both counties and municipalities rate the quality of their interactions with public and private sector agencies serving immobile populations more highly than non-first responders. Because of their functional responsibilities, first responders tend to have better networks in place with those agencies providing services to the immobile.