Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The two regional protracted conflict rivals of Asia, India and China, have found ways to become strategic partners in the twenty-first century. This research probes what explains this change and whether or not the engagement strategies employed by them can produce similar results if used in the India-Pakistan bilateral relations? I argue that although at the strategic level nuclear weapons detonation by India in 1998 was instrumental in developing a strategic balance between the rivals and within a few years a stable security environment emanated in the conflict offing, creating a setting stage for the exploration of possibilities of partnership in the economic, trade, and political realms, one of the major contributing factors in the partnership has been the soft power that both China and India possess. While the two Asian giants share common attributes such as strong military, population, economy, and information technology, among others, soft power in the form of culture, education, and values/ideas pertaining to open economies has forced them to look beyond the dynamics of the intractable conflict and find a common ground to work together. Both are mature states in all of these domains due to which the domestic political/institutional differences did not create an impediment to substantive strategic cooperation. There is political resolve in both countries in maintaining long-term friendship, enhancing cooperation, and achieving common developments. This is the exact opposite of the India-Pakistan case. While India is strong in soft power capabilities, Pakistan lacks strength in this domain and remains even less interested in developing the attribute. Consequently, even though both India and Pakistan realize that cooperation on different levels is possible, attainable, and beneficial to both parties and have progressed in attaining some of their stated goals of cooperation as part of the composite dialogue, in the presence of asymmetry in soft power resources, they are unable to comprehensively tap the unexplored opportunities to becoming strategic partners in this century.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The policing system of India went through various phases during the process of conquest by foreign rulers. The Aryan system yielded to the Islamicate system (Arab-Persian-Turkic) after the Muslim rulers embarked on a more permanent stay in India. Though the Islamicate system was incorporated into the Indian context it could not survive in its original form and had to be adapted to the Indian environment. The Panchayati system of India in combination with the Islamicate systems of the Delhi Sultanates and the Mughal Emperors respectively created a very unique administrative blend. This article examines the functioning of the police during the Mughal period (1526-1707). This paper postulates that the Islamicate system that the Mughals inherited through the Delhi Sultanates was in turn transformed when this system came into contact with the Indian environment. These new systems went through a profound change when coming into contact with Indian society, institutions and culture. The legal system and the policing system employed by the Mughals incorporated elements of Indian law and administration. The resulting system ended up as one that can be more accurately characterized as an Islamicate-Indian one.

Publication Type: Single Paper Format
Abstract: Come find out how two Fulbright travelers have taken their rich Indian travel experience and integrated it into meaningful curriculum for their learners. Participants will receive a CD with all resources.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In this paper I examine India’s gender reservation policy, women’s emerging political leadership and make anecdotal studies of women representatives as political actors. To those ends I examine, among others, four main issues. The first issue traces the historical background of the gender reservation policy with a view to identify the main objectives of India’s gender policy. The second issue examines the reservation scheme, and explains the mechanism for the reservation of seats for women, and how it (the mechanism) differs from the European and the Latin American reservation schemes for women. In the third issue I study the impact of the panchyat elections of 1992\3 and 1998\99 on the elections of women representative, and whether they gain any political leverage at grassroots in Karnataka. In the study of the fourth issue I examine the nature of women’s emerging political leadership with a view to defining it.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: For decades, U.S.–India relationship has been mired in the cold-war politics. However, in recent years relations between the two countries have improved significantly, facilitated partly by India’s agreement to work jointly on counter-terrorism operations after 9/11. Building on this, U.S. and India signed a landmark civilian nuclear agreement in July 2005. The civilian nuclear agreement gave India access to U.S. nuclear fuel and technology despite India’s refusal to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This agreement nearly brought down the coalition government in India and evoked strong reactions in some U.S. government officials who believed this agreement undermined the sanctity of the NPT. Most of the literature on relations between domestic policy and International relations suggest they are linked. However, Putnam (1988) argues that it is more important to determine “how” and “when” domestic polices influence international relations. In this context, this study will examine how government policy makers and presidential support for U.S.-India civilian nuclear agreement influence U.S.-India relations through framing analysis. Government officials and other key political actors advance their position on important policy issues through media. Researchers will use textual analysis to examine the frames advanced by Indian and U.S. government officials in two national Indian newspapers, The Times of India and Nava Bharat Times, and two U.S. newspapers, The New York Times and Washington Post from January 2008 - July 2008, when the issue gained momentum in news media. Findings from this study will advance our understanding on how domestic policies influence international relations.