Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In this paper, I report on the development of a method for measuring and analyzing the complexity of television news interpretation by its viewers. It reports on the conceptualization of interpretive complexity, and the operationalization of one aspect of complexity; differentiation. Elements of the Thought-Listing Technique and Domain Analysis were used to construct a method with which subjects’ verbalized thoughts concurrent with watching television news can be measured and analyzed. A small scale study was conducted to illustrate the method and assess its value. Results indicate that the method is able to discriminate between subjects with varying levels of differentiation of their interpretation of the news. Steps for improvement of the method as well as suggestions for implementation in future research are discussed.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Once the Court establishes a precedent, what explains why the Court subsequently interprets it positively (i.e., follows the precedent) or negatively (e.g., limits or distinguishes the precedent)? We begin to answer this question by arguing that the justices treat precedent in order to maximize the extent to which the Court’s body of precedent reflects their own policy preferences and to legitimize their current policy choices. We test our argument with two cross-sectional time-series logit models that utilize data on the Court’s interpretation of the precedents it established from the 1946 through 2000 terms. The results of these models provide strong support for our theoretical conception of the interpretation of Court precedent. Specifically, the decision to interpret a precedent is a function of the interaction between the vitality of the precedent and the ideological distance between the precedent and the interpreting Court. Precedent vitality diminishes the negative effect of ideological distance on the probability of positive interpretation and accentuates the positive effect of ideological distance on the likelihood of negative treatment.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In recent years, while in some countries Islamist groups seeking formal political recognition have remained peaceful under state repression, in others pervasive violence broke out between states and radical Islamist groups. The literature does not offer a systematic theoretical account of these contrasting outcomes. Yet the importance of this subject cannot be overstated. Do the attacks of the militants following the repression of the moderates indicate the existence of an organic link between them? The political regimes in countries under Islamist attack are convinced that they do. However, moderate Islamist groups usually deny having any direct ties with radicals. If the moderates are telling the truth, factors behind the outbreak of violence following their repression or the more common peaceful outcomes need a better explanation.
This paper takes the first step in that direction, and discusses the following three factors: 1) the role of accommodationist state policies toward Islamist movements, 2) organizational differences among the moderate Islamist groups, and 3) the unexpected, and sometimes, unwanted—on the part of the actors— long-term confluence of the first two points.
Political regimes often launch accommodationist policies as a short-term strategy to contain, control and/or stem the demands of the moderate Islamist groups. Their long-term impact, however, can sometimes differ from their originally anticipated effects when implemented. Similarly, the centralized or decentralized organization styles of the Islamist groups can constrain or expand their long-term strategy choices in ways earlier unanticipated by them. Specifically, organizing as a political party can restrict the means of action otherwise available to a moderate Islamist movement in the short-run, while the loose structure of a political front can reduce the organization costs for the same group and lend it remarkable flexibility to attract a wider range of followers. In the long run, however, the constrictions of the party framework and the advantages of the political front structure are reversed. The boundaries that restrict the movements of a moderate Islamist group that is organized along the lines of a political party can also enable it to have some access to the political system that was completely inaccessible earlier, and gradually help to further enhance its power. Contrariwise, the loose boundaries that give the political fronts their protean outlook can become a liability for raising the suspicions of the states that face them about mingling with the radical Islamist factions. Worse, the latter groups can also perceive them as rivals, and take advantage of their repression to start launching violent attacks in the hopes of replacing them.
The paper draws from four countries to further support its arguments. Whereas Indonesia and Turkey represent cases where the Islamist movements have maintained peaceful relations with the political regimes, Algeria and Egypt represent cases where Islamist violence broke out.

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This essay examines how the content of music can be used mobilize people toward democratic participation. This essay takes a spatial analysis to show how music can redefine people's ideas about politics. This spatial analysis is applied to a few specific examples from punk music and hip-hop. Some of the potential is noted along with the issue of ambiguity in lyrics, which makes music capable of both promoting progressive ideas as well as reinforcing ideas that are not progressive.

Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: This paper attempts to build bridges across quantitative, qualitative, and interpretive traditions. I engaged this task to find common ground for communication with a range of colleagues from different disciplines; to demonstrate the varieties of quality available when social science is applied well; and to use multiple methods to produce policy. In re-reading the paper, I find that the first two tasks were possible, but the third has escaped me. It is certainly possible to find bridges across social science disciplines; they are not incommensurable, as some would argue. There are also ways in which we can recognize quality in research of different traditions. Still, these traditions look at the world differently when it comes to their answer to the basic question, “what should we do next.”